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The report argues for a 'fair share' approach to renewable energy siting to replace traditional state-level preemption, which often burdens rural communities. It outlines core principles—such as allowing communities to opt out after meeting a state-assigned target and ensuring all regions contribute—and analyzes how similar mandates in affordable housing (e.g., in Massachusetts and New Jersey) have increased supply despite local resistance. The authors identify key differences between energy and housing, such as the larger physical footprint and specific resource potential of energy projects, and provide a roadmap for policy design and implementation.

The document outlines how states can leverage billions of dollars in federal funding to support the transition to zero-emission medium- and heavy-duty vehicles (MHDVs). It categorizes funding opportunities into manufacturing, procurement, charging infrastructure, workforce development, emissions monitoring, and state planning, providing specific program details, eligibility, and strategic next steps for state officials.

The Build Back Better Act (H.R. 5376) allocates $555 billion to climate change and clean energy to reduce emissions by over one billion metric tons by 2030. The legislation employs a sector-wide approach, providing tax credits and grants for zero-emission vehicles, clean hydrogen, carbon capture (via enhanced 45Q credits), and renewable energy. It specifically targets the decarbonization of heavy industry, the power sector—including support for existing nuclear plants—and agricultural and forestry sequestration, while directing 40% of investment benefits to disadvantaged communities.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) has launched the Climate Equity and the Clean Energy Transition Project to address the historical trend of placing clean energy infrastructure in low-income neighborhoods and communities of color, which often exacerbates existing injustices. The project aims to move from adversarial relationships to cooperative engagement between environmental justice communities, the energy sector, and climate advocates. Key activities include on-site community research, analyzing best practices for clean energy siting to protect public health, and developing a roadmap to modernize federal government programs and budgets to make them more accessible to underserved populations. Additionally, CATF is piloting an online capacity-building tool for community engagement and hosting workshops with environmental justice organizations to redefine decision-making processes and address air quality health impacts. The project focuses on various U.S. rural, tribal, and urban locations, including the Navajo Nation and the Ironbound Community, to produce recommendations for equitable project development and federal program implementation.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) seeks to improve energy systems analysis to better characterize decarbonization pathways and their associated risks. Moving beyond traditional economic modeling, CATF advocates for an adaptive management approach that incorporates socio-political suitability, affordability, and environmental justice to ensure the feasibility of a zero-carbon energy system by midcentury.

The document highlights the environmental and health impacts of routine gas flaring in the US, noting that 538 billion cubic feet of gas was vented or flared in 2019. It argues that routine flaring is avoidable through better infrastructure planning and technology, citing New Mexico and Colorado as regulatory precedents. The text emphasizes the disproportionate health burden on environmental justice and tribal communities, specifically mentioning increased rates of preterm birth in high-flaring regions of Texas.

The document outlines a strategic approach for U.S. states to leverage federal funding for industrial decarbonization, organized around four technical pillars: energy efficiency, industrial electrification, carbon capture utilization and storage (CCUS), and low-carbon fuels/feedstocks. It provides a three-phase implementation roadmap for states to establish priorities, collaborate with stakeholders, and secure matching funds. Additionally, it includes a comprehensive appendix of specific grants and tax credits from the DOE, EPA, and Treasury, detailing eligibility, funding amounts, and strategic 'next steps' for state-level coordination.

A coalition of companies and organizations calls on President Biden to implement round-the-clock, time- and location-based clean energy procurement for federal facilities to drive investment in new carbon-free resources and ensure environmental justice.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) recommends that the DOE prioritize a limited number of large-scale hydrogen hubs (4 to 6) to avoid program dilution and maximize industrial learning. CATF emphasizes the need for full lifecycle analysis (LCA) to measure greenhouse gas intensity, noting that natural gas with carbon capture can reach 1.5 to 2.0 kgCO2e/kgH2, while solar-powered electrolyzers range from 0.96 to 2.52 kgCO2e/kgH2 when upstream emissions are included. The document argues for prioritizing 'difficult-to-electrify' sectors such as heavy-duty trucking, marine shipping, and heavy industry. To ensure equity, CATF suggests requiring comprehensive community environmental health assessments and implementing inclusive engagement strategies to protect disadvantaged communities from industrial pollution.

The Clean Air Task Force outlines a strategic framework for the EPA to implement the Methane Emissions Reduction Program (MERP), focusing on the establishment of the methane waste emissions charge (WEC) and a corresponding funding program. The roadmap emphasizes the need for a dedicated organizational structure, including a MERP Task Force and specialized managers for enforcement, funding, and engagement. Key recommendations include the rapid deployment of the WEC to incentivize emission reductions, the integration of Justice40 principles to benefit disadvantaged communities, and the transition toward empirical reporting for methane emissions in the oil and gas sector.

The report details how the Northern Indiana Public Service Corporation (NIPSCO) contaminated the drinking water of Town of Pines, Indiana, by disposing of coal combustion waste in an unlined landfill and using it for road construction. It highlights the failure of state and federal agencies to protect residents, the resulting health threats—particularly to children—and the legal actions taken by the community. The authors call on the EPA to reclassify coal combustion waste as hazardous and implement rigorous federal disposal standards.

The report recommends that the EPA strengthen PM2.5 standards to an annual limit of 11 µg/m3 and a daily limit of 25 µg/m3. According to the analysis, this standard would prevent up to 35,700 premature deaths annually and generate $281 billion in yearly economic benefits. The document highlights that current standards are insufficient and that vulnerable populations, including children and low-income individuals, are at higher risk from soot pollution.

The report finds that Native American communities are more likely to live within a half-mile of oil and gas facilities than the general population of their encompassing states, leading to disproportionate exposure to methane, volatile organic compounds, and toxic air pollutants. This impact is exacerbated by high poverty rates and lack of health insurance, which limit housing options and access to medical care for conditions like asthma. Specifically, the analysis highlights the Navajo Nation, the Northern Ute (Uintah-Ouray), and the Fort Berthold Indian Reservation as areas of significant risk.

A cover letter from the Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) submitting formal comments on the draft Air Quality Management Plan (AQMP) and Air Quality Management By-law for the Nkangala District Municipality on behalf of the Highveld Environmental Justice Network, groundWork, and Earthlife Africa, Johannesburg.

This document consists of an internal appeal filed by the Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) on behalf of the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA) and the subsequent ruling by the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality. The appeal challenged the Municipality's refusal to grant access to Atmospheric Emission Licences (AELs) and compliance reports for the SAPREF (Shell and BP) and Engen petroleum refineries, which the Municipality had withheld citing the protection of third-party commercial information under the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA). The Appeal Authority ultimately upheld the refusal, ruling that the information was commercially sensitive and that the public interest override was not sufficiently substantiated.

The document describes the South African Climate Change Bill as a mechanism to regulate greenhouse gas emissions, manage climate risks such as floods and droughts, and define the roles of national, provincial, and local governments. It argues that a strong legal framework is necessary to hold polluters accountable, attract climate finance, and limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. The text encourages public participation through community discussions and engagement with political leaders to ensure the final law is robust.

The Voice Community Representative Council, an NPO representing communities in the Dr. Pixley Ka Isaka Seme Municipality, issued a memorandum of grievances to the Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) on July 26, 2018. The document accuses CER and its coalition of using environmental protection as a pretext to block the Yzermyn mining project by Atha Africa Ventures, thereby perpetuating economic and racial inequality and poverty for the local black community.

The document details the environmental and social costs of coal-power generation in South Africa, specifically focusing on the Kusile power station. It highlights that water-related externalities for Kusile range from R0.95 to R1.86 per kWh, driven largely by water use in generation and mining. The text argues that the Draft Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) 2016 misrepresents the total cost of coal by ignoring these externalities. It further notes that coal mining and power generation consume 3% and 2% of South Africa's water respectively, with severe regional impacts in the Upper Olifants. The report emphasizes the long-term costs of acid-mine drainage and the disproportionate health and water-security burdens placed on poor communities, concluding that a decarbonised energy future would require four times less water by 2050 and create more jobs than the coal-reliant base case.

The report documents a pervasive 'environment of fear' in South Africa's mining communities, where activists face physical attacks, death threats, and state-led harassment. It details how local municipalities impose extra-legal restrictions on protests, police use excessive force and arbitrary arrests, and mining companies employ SLAPP suits and social media campaigns to silence opposition. The document argues that these actions violate South African constitutional and international human rights obligations regarding freedom of expression, assembly, and the right to a healthy environment.

The document advocates for the legal recognition of community-based property rights (CBPRs) in the Global South, arguing that such rights are distinct from Western individual property concepts and state-led decentralization. It posits that recognizing CBPRs—particularly for indigenous peoples—helps protect ancestral territories, prevents resource commodification, and fosters environmental justice. However, the text notes that property rights alone are insufficient for sustainable development and must be paired with technical assistance, credit programs, and strong procedural rights.