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The report analyzes China's biofuels sector, focusing on the transition from grain-based ethanol to non-grain feedstocks grown on marginal land. It finds that government subsidies, including direct payments and tax exemptions, are essential for the industry's viability but may undermine food security, increase food prices, and cause environmental degradation. The authors conclude that biofuels have a negligible impact on China's energy security and recommend eliminating direct production subsidies.

The report finds that Malaysia's ambitions to become a global biodiesel producer have been undermined by volatile feedstock prices and the high cost of production relative to petroleum diesel. While the government provided limited support through soft loans and tax incentives, a proposed B5 blending mandate would likely increase the national subsidy burden. The industry's profitability is precarious, relying heavily on exports to the EU and US, where it may benefit from subsidy loopholes. Environmentally, the report argues that the presumed carbon benefits of biodiesel are offset by greenhouse gas emissions from deforestation and peatland conversion, while socially, global biofuel demand has contributed to rising food prices.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) analyzes various technology studies to demonstrate that U.S. passenger vehicles can cost-effectively reach a fleet average of approximately 40 mpg by 2020 using conventional technology and over 50 mpg by 2030 with hybrid-electric technology. The report criticizes the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration's (NHTSA) historical use of marginal cost-marginal benefit (MCMB) analysis, which often undervalues environmental and security benefits, and recommends a total cost-total benefit (TCTB) approach to set more aggressive standards.

The document examines how China's 'omni-directional' approach to Africa is being challenged by the realities of the continent. While Western perspectives focus on China's negative impact on African governance via 'no conditions' loans, the author argues that Africa is actually changing China. Specifically, dependencies on energy security and relations with unstable regimes in places like Sudan and Zimbabwe are forcing Beijing to abandon its strict principle of non-intervention in favor of internationally-sanctioned interventions. Furthermore, China's identity as a 'developing country' is becoming unsustainable as it ascends to global economic superpower status, creating tensions between its 'South-South' rhetoric and its actual role as a provider of capital and technology.

The document explains the different types of plug-in electric vehicles (PEVs), including battery electric vehicles and various plug-in hybrids. It argues that PEVs can enhance U.S. energy security by displacing petroleum, which currently accounts for 96 percent of U.S. transportation energy. The text highlights that PEVs are more efficient than internal combustion engines, offering lower operating costs and a carbon footprint equivalent to a 50 mpg gasoline car. The primary barrier to market expansion is battery technology, though manufacturers like Chevrolet, Nissan, Toyota, and Volkswagen are working toward production by 2010.

The report argues that environmental change acts as a 'threat multiplier' for Canadian security, particularly through the opening of Arctic shipping routes and the scramble for newly accessible oil and gas reserves. It highlights tensions with Denmark over Hans Island and the U.S. over the Northwest Passage. Internationally, it notes that climate-induced migration and resource conflicts increase the burden on Canadian peacekeeping and aid. Conversely, the report asserts that Canada's 'new security agenda'—focused on counter-terrorism and energy independence—often competes with environmental management, as seen in the push for oil sands development and the proposed militarization of the Great Lakes.

The report analyzes Australian government support for biofuels, finding that total transfers reached approximately A$ 95 million in 2006–07. It argues that the industry is heavily subsidized compared to other sectors, with effective rates of assistance often exceeding 100%. The authors conclude that these subsidies are not cost-effective for reducing greenhouse gas emissions or displacing fossil fuels, as the cost per tonne of CO2-equivalent avoided is significantly higher than purchasing carbon offsets on international exchanges.

The document assesses the bio-diesel sector in Lao PDR as a means to reduce oil import dependency and create economic opportunities. While the government views biofuels as a tool for climate change mitigation and energy security, the report warns of significant environmental risks, including deforestation, biodiversity loss, and water pollution. It notes the absence of a cohesive national biofuel policy and recommends integrating strategic environmental assessments into policy development and private sector operations.

The document argues that the G-8 must ensure responses to high oil prices do not increase carbon-intensive energy investments. It proposes legally-binding cap-and-trade systems for international aviation and shipping, the creation of Low Carbon Technology Innovation and Diffusion Centres in developing countries, and a shift toward innovative, strategic funding for climate adaptation. It further advocates for a post-2012 UNFCCC framework with differentiated but legally binding emission targets for both developed and major developing nations, and suggests restructuring the International Energy Agency (IEA) to support a global energy transition.

The policy brief examines China's increasing foreign direct investment (FDI) and trade in the Mekong region, driven by its domestic demand for natural resources. It highlights the role of Chinese state-owned enterprises and financial institutions in filling an investment vacuum left by international financial institutions. While noting the potential for economic growth, the document warns of environmental and social risks due to poor regulatory enforcement and the lack of adherence to international sustainability standards by Chinese firms.

China is rapidly increasing its foreign direct investment (FDI) in the Mekong region to secure natural resources for its industrial growth. Driven by the 'Going Out' strategy, Chinese state-owned enterprises are filling an investment vacuum left by International Financial Institutions in hydropower, mining, and agribusiness. While this provides capital and infrastructure, it poses environmental and social risks due to a lack of compliance with international sustainability standards and poor local regulatory enforcement in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam.

The report analyzes China's engagement with the Lusophone world through the Macau Forum, established in 2003. It argues that China uses the forum as a foreign policy instrument to secure energy and food security, expand its consumer markets, and increase soft power in Africa, Latin America, and Asia. While trade volumes grew from $11 billion in 2003 to $34 billion in 2006, the report notes that most significant economic agreements remain bilateral. Brazil and Angola are identified as the most critical partners due to their vast natural resources and economic scale. The document also highlights the role of Macau as a service platform and provides policy recommendations for China, the Lusophone states, and the Forum to improve transparency and mutual benefit.

The document examines the biodiesel sector in Lao PDR, highlighting the government's goal to reduce dependence on imported fuel by designating approximately two million hectares for biofuel feedstock. It identifies jatropha, soybean, and coconut as high-potential crops, with jatropha specifically noted for its ability to grow on marginal land and prevent erosion. While biodiesel offers benefits such as reduced carbon dioxide emissions and energy security, the paper warns of risks including deforestation, loss of biodiversity, and threats to food security. It concludes that Lao PDR lacks a cohesive national biofuels policy and recommends integrating strategic environmental assessments into future policy development.

Jonathan Lash, representing the US Climate Action Partnership (US CAP), advocates for a federal cap-and-trade program and a long-term emissions roadmap to transition the United States to a low-carbon economy. He emphasizes that clear federal rules are necessary to avoid a regulatory patchwork of state laws and to provide the market certainty required for large-scale private investment in clean energy technologies.

The report analyzes the extensive subsidy framework for biofuels in the EU, estimating total transfers at approximately €3.7 billion in 2006. It identifies excise tax exemptions as the primary support mechanism and argues that current subsidies for first-generation biofuels are an expensive and inefficient way to reduce CO2 emissions compared to purchasing carbon offsets. The authors recommend eliminating ethanol tariffs, resisting new blending mandates, and shifting focus toward second-generation biofuels.

The report finds that U.S. government support for biofuels is extensive and inefficient, with total subsidies projected to exceed $92 billion between 2006 and 2012. The largest contributors are volumetric excise tax credits and market price supports driven by renewable fuel mandates. The analysis argues that these subsidies are an expensive way to achieve energy security and greenhouse gas (GHG) reductions, noting that the cost per tonne of CO2-equivalent displaced is significantly higher than purchasing carbon offsets on climate exchanges. The report warns that pending legislation, such as the Renewable Fuels Standard, could further increase these costs, potentially exceeding $130 billion per year by 2030.

The report examines biofuel subsidies in Australia, Canada, the EU, Switzerland, and the US, finding that government support reached at least US$ 11 billion in 2006. It argues that these measures often fail to cost-effectively reduce greenhouse gas emissions or improve energy security while driving up food prices and causing environmental degradation. The author recommends a moratorium on new first-generation biofuel subsidies and a fundamental rethink of the policy rationale.

David Jhirad testifies that climate change will create new difficulties for U.S. foreign aid and security assistance, necessitating a constructive re-engagement with the international community on mitigation and adaptation. He advocates for strong domestic action to stabilize the global climate and ensure worldwide energy and economic security, while urging Congress to re-establish American leadership and clarify national and international policy.

The testimony argues that avoiding severe climate damage requires long-term global emissions reductions of 60-80% across all sectors. It emphasizes that because the 15 largest emitters account for 80% of global emissions, international solutions must align with national self-interests rather than uniform requirements. Proposed solutions include pricing greenhouse gas emissions, leveraging co-benefits for air quality and energy security, and investing in new technologies to maintain US competitiveness. The author also highlights the need for adaptation strategies to protect the poorest populations and calls for the US to take a more constructive role in the UN Climate Convention.

The document advocates for wind power as a sustainable alternative to fossil fuels and nuclear energy, particularly in New England. It details the severe environmental and health costs of conventional energy—including CO2 emissions, air pollution, water consumption, and land degradation—while positioning wind energy as a low-impact solution with minimal land footprints and no operational emissions.