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The Clean Air Task Force supports the EPA's proposed rule for existing fossil power plants, stating that the emissions reductions can be achieved at minimal cost primarily by shifting generation from high-emitting coal plants to underutilized natural gas plants. The organization notes that these regulations, alongside other EPA standards, will benefit public health by reducing premature deaths and asthma attacks.

The research identifies key psychological and social drivers of climate activism in the U.S., finding that activists are more likely to view global warming as a serious but solvable threat and believe in the efficacy of collective action. The authors recommend that climate messaging combine threat warnings with actionable steps and support for social opinion leaders to overcome widespread public skepticism regarding the effectiveness of political activism.

Earthjustice reacts to the third National Climate Assessment, which concludes that the United States is unprepared for the risks of a rapidly changing climate. The organization advocates for the implementation of President Obama's Climate Action Plan, specifically targeting carbon pollution from coal-fired power plants, and criticizes the fossil-fuel industry for opposing renewable energy solutions such as solar power and renewable portfolio standards.

The report argues that EPA's regulation of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from existing power plants under Section 111(d) of the Clean Air Act will not jeopardize electric system reliability. Unlike the unit-specific MATS rule, Section 111(d) employs a 'cooperative federalism' model, allowing states to develop State Implementation Plans (SIPs) with significant flexibility. This includes 'inside the fence' options like heat-rate improvements and 'outside the fence' options such as emission-averaging, carbon budgets, and demand-side reductions. The author notes that current industry conditions—including low natural gas prices, underutilized natural-gas-fired combined-cycle (NGCC) capacity, flat electricity demand, and the growth of renewables—provide a buffer that supports reliable compliance. The report concludes that as long as EPA, states, and industry engage in timely planning, the regulatory framework provides sufficient latitude to maintain power system adequacy and security.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) proposes that the EPA set specific emission rate standards for fossil-fueled utility boilers and natural gas combustion turbines to reduce CO2 emissions. This strategy aims to leverage existing natural-gas capacity to displace coal generation, resulting in significant carbon and pollutant reductions with minimal impact on retail electric rates.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) argues that Eskom's requests to postpone compliance with the National Environmental Management: Air Quality Act (AQA) should be denied due to flawed atmospheric modelling, exaggerated compliance costs, and significant risks to human health. The CER contends that Eskom fails to meet the legal requirements for postponement, particularly regarding the impact on declared Priority Areas. Furthermore, the document critiques Eskom's proposal for emission offsets as lacking a legal basis and sufficient data, while highlighting that granting these postponements would lead to substantial increases in SO2, NOx, and PM10 emissions through 2020.

The document examines the risks of relying on natural gas for US electricity, noting that while it burns cleaner than coal, its expected replacement of nuclear power and its role in meeting rising electricity demand would prevent necessary emission cuts. It highlights that methane leaks from production and transport further erode climate benefits, and suggests that a transition to 80% renewable energy by 2050 is a viable, more cost-effective alternative.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) recommends that the EPA establish specific emission rate standards for existing fossil fuel-fired utility boilers (1,450 lbs/MWh) and natural gas combustion turbines (1,100 lbs/MWh). The proposal centers on a 'model' interstate emission credit trading rule that allows states flexibility in compliance, including the use of state-specific emission budgets. Analysis by The NorthBridge Group indicates this approach could reduce electric sector carbon dioxide emissions by 27 percent from 2005 levels by 2020, resulting in a total reduction of 636 million metric tons. The report argues that nearly 70 percent of these reductions would come from optimizing fossil dispatch. Beyond climate benefits, the proposal is estimated to avoid over 2,000 premature deaths annually due to reductions in sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides. The total monetized health and climate benefits are estimated at $34 billion in 2020, significantly outweighing the $9.4 billion compliance cost.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) endorses President Obama's commitment to enact new emissions standards for existing power plants as part of the Climate Action Plan. WRI argues that such standards can drive innovation and economic opportunity, noting that the average U.S. coal plant is nearly 40 years old. The statement emphasizes that U.S. domestic leadership is essential to meeting its international commitment to reduce emissions by 17% below 2005 levels by 2020 and to securing a universal climate agreement in Paris in 2015.

The report segments Marylanders into six climate change audiences: Alarmed, Concerned, Cautious, Disengaged, Doubtful, and Dismissive. In spring 2013, 62% of residents fell into the Alarmed (23%) and Concerned (39%) categories. The study finds high polarization regarding local environmental changes and health risks, while identifying broad support for renewable energy and the protection of public water supplies. It details the demographic and behavioral profiles of each segment to inform state climate and energy policy communication.

The 2013 update to the 'Ripe for Retirement' report identifies that up to 329 coal-fired generators (58.7 GW) in 38 U.S. states are no longer economically competitive with existing natural gas plants, and up to 71 GW are uncompetitive with new wind power. These units, combined with those already retired or announced for retirement, represent more than one-third of the country's coal-generating capacity. The analysis suggests that a combination of renewable energy, energy efficiency, and underutilized natural gas plants can replace this capacity, though the authors warn against overdependence on natural gas due to climate and economic risks.

The document examines the debate over the EPA's Cross-State Air Pollution Rule (CSAPR) and its application to Texas. It refutes arguments from Texas officials and energy companies regarding grid reliability, compliance timelines, and the validity of emission data. The brief highlights that many Texas coal plants already possess the necessary control technology and that the rule's implementation would provide significant public health benefits for both downwind states and Texas communities.

The document is an open letter from civil society networks and affected citizens calling on UNFCCC delegates at COP19 to ensure that carbon markets do not undermine climate goals. It demands the prevention of the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA) pilot phase, the establishment of accounting rules to avoid double counting, and the exclusion of non-additional projects and fossil fuel financing from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM).

The report documents systemic failures in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) across seven projects in five countries. It highlights consistent patterns of inadequate stakeholder consultation, violations of indigenous rights, and environmental degradation. Specific examples include coal power plants in India causing pollution and displacement, hydroelectric projects in Panama, Honduras, and Guatemala ignoring indigenous consent and destroying ecosystems, and a waste incinerator in China causing local pollution. The document argues that CDM safeguards are insufficient to protect local populations and ensure genuine sustainable development.

The document asserts that CCS is the only available technology allowing coal and gas power generation at near-zero emissions and is a 'Best System of Emission Reduction' under the Clean Air Act. It highlights the flexibility of the EPA's proposed rules, such as an emission limit of 1100 lbs/MWh and an eight-year compliance window, which allow for partial capture. The testimony provides evidence of CCS deployment in industrial and power sectors, including projects like the Dakota Gasification Plant and the Texas Clean Energy Project. It also addresses the economic viability of CCS, noting that enhanced oil recovery (EOR) can offset costs, and argues that U.S. geologic storage capacity is sufficient to handle power sector emissions for a century or more, countering concerns about induced seismicity.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) is challenging Eskom's application to postpone or be exempt from minimum emission standards (MES) for sulphur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and particulate matter across 17 power stations. CER argues that Eskom's current process lacks necessary health and environmental risk assessments and provides insufficient time for public consultation, which could make any resulting government decision subject to judicial review under the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act (PAJA).

The Clean Air Task Force supports the EPA's move to regulate greenhouse gas emissions from new power plants, asserting that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is a technologically ready and necessary tool for deep emissions cuts. The authors argue that CCS can reduce emissions from stationary sources by 90% and is essential for the U.S. to reach its target of an 80 percent reduction in carbon emissions by 2050. They reject industry claims that the technology is not commercially viable, citing decades of industrial use and existing projects like the Kemper plant in Mississippi and the Texas Clean Energy Project. The document emphasizes that the Clean Air Act is intended to be "technology-forcing," driving innovation and scaling of emissions control technologies similar to the historical adoption of sulfur dioxide scrubbers.

North Carolina can reduce its power sector CO2 emissions by 29 percent below 2011 levels by 2020 using existing policies and infrastructure. Key strategies include meeting Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Portfolio Standard (REPS) targets with in-state generation, increasing the utilization of combined cycle natural gas units, improving coal plant efficiency, and expanding combined heat and power (CHP) systems. Long-term reductions of 69 percent below 2011 levels by 2030 are possible through expanded legislation, including annual energy efficiency savings of 2 percent from 2015 to 2030.

The study analyzes the impact of partial CCS deployment in Europe by 2030, categorizing countries as pioneers or laggards based on their R&D projects and national roadmaps. Using a dispatch model, the authors find that the economic outcomes of pioneering are heterogeneous: while electricity suppliers in Poland, the UK, and the Netherlands may see increased producer surpluses, consumers in the UK could face higher wholesale prices due to the high cost of gas-fired CCS. Conversely, Romania is projected to experience lower wholesale prices and increased domestic production. The results suggest that being a pioneer does not automatically guarantee an advantage, as benefits are unevenly distributed between producers and consumers.

Earthjustice and the Sierra Club successfully opposed the Potomac-Appalachian Transmission Highline (PATH) project, leading American Electric Power and Allegheny Energy to withdraw their application in 2011. The project would have constructed 275 miles of high-voltage lines from West Virginia through Virginia to Maryland to support coal-fired power plants, including the John E. Amos plant. Opponents argued the lines were unnecessary due to energy efficiency gains and would have increased air pollution and mountaintop removal mining in Appalachia.