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The document evaluates three potential energy systems for Canada's transition to carbon neutrality: one based on fossil fuels with negative emissions, one based on second-generation biofuels, and one based on electrification and hydrogen. It identifies that while Canada possesses assets like land and infrastructure, the choice of system depends on factors such as technological viability, social justice, and international market trends.

Climate Strategies argues that the upcoming Just Transition mechanism must overcome the current fragmentation of the UNFCCC architecture by integrating finance, technology, and stakeholder engagement. The submission recommends grounding the mechanism in real-world implementation evidence from the Global South, adopting multi-level and multi-sector governance, and ensuring that participation for marginalized groups translates into meaningful policy influence rather than mere procedural consultation.

The document argues that meaningful participation from diverse, affected groups is essential for a just transition to ensure procedural justice, improve policy efficiency, and increase ownership of climate policies. It identifies barriers to engagement, such as time constraints, costs, and low trust, and suggests a people-centered design approach to overcome them. The text highlights the necessity of coordination bodies to manage state and non-state actors across different political levels. Examples include Costa Rica's Just Transition Governance Scheme and South Africa's Presidential Climate Commission, both of which serve as platforms for multi-stakeholder collaboration and policy co-creation.

The document describes a project to bridge the gap in the practical application of just transition concepts within developing countries. By analyzing South America, Southeast Asia, and West Africa—with case studies on Colombia, Indonesia, and Ghana—the project identifies that these nations often lack the regulatory and institutional capacity to support just transitions. Key findings highlight a high prevalence of informal labor markets (often 50% to 80% of the workforce) that are currently overlooked in climate and pandemic responses. The project seeks to develop recommendations for revised NDCs ahead of COP26 and facilitate links between governments, investors, and donors to provide the necessary technical and financial support.

The briefing note examines the transition from the post-2012 to a post-2020 climate regime, highlighting the tension between Kyoto-style binding agreements and voluntary pledge-and-review systems. It suggests that a hybrid architecture, combining the UN's central role with decentralized 'climate clubs' and domestic policy convergence, is necessary to accommodate diverse national interests while maintaining global coherence. The document also draws lessons from the EU effort sharing process, emphasizing the need for transparent criteria to compare national pledges and the importance of domestic policy stability.

The document analyzes 32 youth climate litigation cases (litigants aged 7-30) filed between 1990 and 2022. It finds that while such cases are increasing in frequency—particularly in Europe—the majority result in unfavorable outcomes or remain pending. Most cases argue that states failed to take adequate climate measures, frequently relying on human rights grounds. The author concludes that future success depends on judicial willingness, procedural adherence, and the substantive strength of legal arguments.

The Lima Work Programme on Gender (LWPG) has been extended until 2035, following decisions at COP29 in Baku. Parties are now working toward a new Gender Action Plan (GAP) to be developed at COP30, with initial design discussions and technical workshops having taken place at SB62 in June. Key areas of focus include gender-responsive climate finance, intersectionality, and the strengthening of national gender and climate focal points, though disagreements persist over the extent of gender integration in climate policy.

The document outlines the evolution of the Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP) from its establishment at COP27 through the outcomes of COP30 in Belém. It highlights the transition from a period of gridlock to the adoption of a decision to create a new Just Transition mechanism, while noting the exclusion of unilateral trade measures and the inclusion of references to the 1.5ºC temperature goal. The briefing concludes with a timeline for the development of the mechanism's draft decision at SB64 in June 2026 and its formal adoption at COP31.

The document is an appendix of consulted legislation for a report on forest restoration in the Amazon. It catalogs federal laws and specific state-level legal frameworks from Acre, Amapá, Amazonas, Mato Grosso, Pará, and Rondônia, and Roraima. The listed legislation covers a wide range of environmental governance topics, including the Forest Code, REDD+ mechanisms, Environmental Regularization Programs (PRA), and state-specific policies on bioeconomy, agroecology, and payment for environmental services.

The report details a workshop in Cameroon that led to the creation of the Réseau Afrique Carbone & Changement Climatique (RAC3), a network designed to amplify African civil society voices in carbon market negotiations. It highlights the historical under-representation of Africa in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and discusses the potential benefits of 'vintage restrictions' under the new Sustainable Development Mechanism (SDM) to encourage new projects. The event also addressed the role of African NGOs in monitoring the environmental integrity of aviation offsets under CORSIA and noted the need for increased advocacy to raise ambition regarding aviation emission reductions in Cameroon.

A joint statement from NGOs (GLOBAL 2000, WWF, VCÖ) to the Austrian Environment Minister calling for the EU's Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR) to be revised with higher emission reduction targets, updated baselines, and the closure of forestry and ETS loopholes to meet Paris Agreement goals.

Carbon Market Watch and Opportunity Green call on the European Commission to maintain its climate leadership by resisting U.S. pressure to exempt international aviation from the EU ETS. The authors argue that the ICAO's CORSIA scheme is an inferior alternative to the ETS because it lacks an emissions cap and relies on inadequate offsetting. They highlight that in 2023, flights leaving EEA airports emitted 133 MtCO2, with less than half reported under the ETS, and warn that yielding to U.S. threats, such as the EU ETS Prohibition Act, would undermine EU sovereignty and climate goals.

The Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR) is the EU's primary instrument for reducing greenhouse gas emissions in sectors not covered by the Emissions Trading System (ETS), accounting for approximately 60% of total EU emissions. For the 2021-2030 period, the ESR sets an overall target of -30% compared to 2005 levels, with individual Member State targets ranging from -40% to 0% based on GDP per capita. The regulation covers transport (35%), buildings (25%), agriculture (17%), industry (16%), and waste (5%). To ensure compliance, the ESR utilizes Annual Emission Allocations (AEA) and various flexibility mechanisms, including banking, borrowing, and trading units between countries, though some are criticized as 'loopholes' that may undermine decarbonization.

The briefing argues that the European Commission's proposal to delete the MSR's invalidation mechanism would weaken the EU ETS by risking a return to structural oversupply. It asserts that the MSR must retain its ability to permanently delete allowances to maintain carbon price signals and emission reductions. Additionally, the document recommends that the MSR's intake and release thresholds and release quantities be made dynamic to scale proportionally with the shrinking ETS cap, particularly as the cap is projected to decrease from just under 1.4 billion tonnes of CO2e in 2024 to 746 million tonnes in 2031.

A coalition of NGOs expresses concerns regarding the European Commission's Expert Group on Carbon Removal, specifically citing a lack of gender and sectoral balance in meeting agendas, the underrepresentation of scientific and environmental voices in the group's composition, and a lack of transparency in documentation and agenda-setting. The signatories argue that the group must address fundamental policy questions regarding the EU carbon budget and the prevention of offsetting emissions with removals, rather than focusing solely on technical methodologies.

A survey of 2,164 American adults in 2008 reveals that while the economy is the top national priority, a majority of Americans view global warming as a serious threat and support a wide range of climate and energy policies, including renewable energy research and carbon regulation. Despite this support, political and consumer activism remains low, largely due to a lack of information on how to act. Most Americans trust scientists and family as information sources but express uncertainty about whether humanity will successfully reduce global warming.

The document provides data on collective political efficacy—defined as being 'extremely,' 'very,' or 'moderately confident' that people working together can affect federal government action on global warming. Findings show that confidence varies significantly by political affiliation, race, age, and the frequency of social discourse on the topic. Between Fall 2018 and Fall 2023, confidence among Democrats rose from 46% to 57%, while confidence among Republicans decreased from 28% to 23%. In the most recent data, Hispanic/Latino (63%) and Black (Non-Hispanic/Latino) (57%) groups reported the highest levels of confidence, while Republicans (23%) reported the lowest. Additionally, individuals who hear others talk about global warming 'once a month' or more often exhibit higher confidence levels across the general population, Republicans, and Democrats compared to those who hear it less frequently.

A 2013 survey of 800 Californians reveals high levels of belief in global warming (79%) and its human cause (58%), with significant concern for its impact on the state's wildfires, heat waves, and droughts. While there is strong support for clean energy and government action, many residents remain uncertain about humanity's collective ability to successfully reduce global warming.

The report finds that 70% of Coloradans believe global warming is happening, though only 48% attribute it primarily to human activities. While 59% are worried about global warming and 73% consider it personally important, there is significant uncertainty regarding scientific consensus, with 50% believing there is "a lot of disagreement among scientists". Residents have observed increased severity in wildfires (75%) and droughts (72%) within the state. There is broad support for clean energy, including tax rebates for energy-efficient vehicles or solar panels (79%) and renewable energy mandates for utilities (67%). Most respondents (69%) believe the U.S. should reduce greenhouse gas emissions regardless of other countries' actions. Individual engagement varies, with 51% rewarding climate-friendly companies through purchases and 39% punishing opposing companies by boycotting them.

The report finds that while a majority of Ohioans believe global warming is happening and support clean energy transitions, there is significant uncertainty regarding scientific consensus and the likelihood of successful collective action. A large portion of the population perceives increased flooding and heat waves in the state and believes that corporations, citizens, and government officials should all do more to address the issue.