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The document analyzes Canada's 2012 carbon policy transition, marked by the official withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol and the implementation of federal sector-based regulations for transport and coal-fired electricity. It highlights a growing trend toward 'equivalency agreements' where the federal government defers to provincial policies, potentially leading to a fragmented national landscape. The report also notes provincial initiatives, such as Quebec's cap-and-trade linkage with California and Ontario's coal phase-out, while recommending greater compliance flexibility and a clearer federal policy vision to reduce costs and meet 2020 targets.

The report finds broad public support across political affiliations for addressing global warming, with a majority of registered voters considering a candidate's position on the issue when voting. There is widespread support for renewable energy research and the regulation of carbon dioxide, while the political viability of a carbon tax depends on how the revenue is utilized.

The Warsaw Conference (COP 19) achieved several technical milestones but failed to secure ambitious new mitigation commitments or a clear financial roadmap. Key outcomes included the creation of the Warsaw International Mechanism for loss and damage and the Warsaw Framework for REDD+, alongside a draft for a universal agreement to be finalized in Paris. However, the event was marked by reduced mitigation goals from Japan and the removal of carbon taxes in Australia, highlighting a persistent divide between developed and developing nations over the priority of funding versus emission cuts.

The report identifies six audience segments in the US—the Alarmed, Concerned, Cautious, Disengaged, Doubtful, and Dismissive—and tracks their evolution from 2008 to 2012. It finds that 70% of the public (Alarmed, Concerned, and Cautious) believe global warming is a real threat. While there is broad support for increasing renewable energy and eliminating fossil fuel subsidies, perceptions of political influence are skewed, with most segments believing campaign contributors and fossil fuel companies have the most power over elected officials.

The report finds that a majority of US registered voters (58%) consider a candidate's position on global warming when voting. Support for climate action and renewable energy is high across party lines, with Independents closely resembling Democrats in their views. While carbon tax support depends on how revenue is used, there is broad support for regulating carbon dioxide and increasing renewable energy research.

The report finds that concern about global warming and support for renewable energy are high across Democratic, Independent, and Republican voters, suggesting a political opportunity for candidates to take pro-climate stands. A majority of registered voters consider a candidate's position on global warming when voting, and there is broad support for eliminating fossil fuel subsidies and increasing renewable energy research.

A survey of 2,034 American adults found an average annual willingness-to-pay (WTP) of $79 to $89 to reduce domestic greenhouse-gas emissions by 17 percent by 2020. The study found that mean WTP does not vary significantly between cap-and-trade, carbon taxes, or GHG regulations, although sociodemographic factors and beliefs about global warming influence individual WTP levels.

Annual global climate finance flows reached approximately USD 343-385 billion in 2010/2011, with the private sector providing the majority (USD 217-243 billion). While public finance (USD 16-23 billion) acts as a catalyst, total investment remains far below the USD 1 trillion annual requirement projected by the IEA to limit global temperature rise to below 2 degrees Celsius. Mitigation activities, primarily renewable energy and energy efficiency, attracted the bulk of funding (USD 350 billion), while adaptation interventions received USD 12.3-15.8 billion. Emerging economies, particularly China, Brazil, and India, were the largest recipients of mitigation finance, often utilizing domestic resources and National Development Banks.

The Green European Journal Volume 4 examines the intersection of social equality, economic stability, and environmental sustainability in Europe. It argues that rising inequalities are both a cause and consequence of the economic crisis and a driver of unsustainable consumption. The collection includes analyses of the 'precariat' in Poland, the humanitarian crisis in Greece, and the limitations of equality legislation in the UK. Several authors advocate for a shift toward supranational solidarity, suggesting a 'European welfare state' or a universal basic income to replace failing national models. The journal also debates the future of European federalism, calling for a more transparent, democratic 'European Republic' to recover political sovereignty from financial systems.

The document examines South Africa's role in global economic governance, analyzing the tension between liberal democratic values and domestic political pressures. It evaluates South Africa's alignment with the KAS guidelines, concluding that while current policies are generally compatible, future trajectories are uncertain due to internal factional battles within the ruling tripartite alliance and a potential shift toward state capitalism.

The document analyzes the divergent paths taken by Canada and Australia to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions. While Australia implemented a unified national carbon pricing system (transitioning from a carbon tax to cap-and-trade), Canada adopted a decentralized, sector-by-sector regulatory approach utilizing provincial equivalency agreements. The authors argue that Canada's fragmented system is likely to result in higher regulatory costs for emitters compared to Australia's streamlined national approach, although the actual emission reductions of both schemes remain uncertain.

The document analyzes the mismatch between the stated environmental goals of biofuel policies and their actual political objectives, such as supporting agricultural constituencies. It argues that subsidies often create market distortions and unintended consequences, such as increasing food prices and harming the environment. The authors recommend phasing out support for food-based biofuels, adopting carbon pricing and the removal of fossil fuel subsidies as 'first-best' alternatives, and adhering to good governance principles and the Precautionary Principle to manage uncertainty regarding indirect land use change and food security.

The report argues that South African institutional investors, as 'universal owners', face material financial risks from climate change and water scarcity, which are currently underpriced in securities markets. It highlights that listed coal reserves exceed scientific carbon budgets and that water scarcity poses significant operational risks to water-intensive sectors. The document recommends a shift toward low-carbon and water-responsible investments, calling for regulatory interventions to create investment-grade green financial products and mandatory ESG disclosures to avoid stranded assets and systemic market shocks.

China has become a global leader in renewable energy investment and wind capacity, though it remains heavily dependent on coal for electricity and heat. While the 12th Five Year Plan sets targets for increasing non-fossil fuel use and reducing carbon emissions intensity, the country faces challenges such as grid connectivity for wind power and water shortages in arid provinces due to coal base construction. The government is also piloting emissions trading schemes in several cities and provinces as a precursor to a national system by 2015.

The document outlines the two primary forms of carbon pricing: emissions trading schemes (ETS) and carbon taxes. It details the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme as the world's largest, alongside regional programs like the RGGI in the US and the Tokyo Cap and Trade Program. It also lists numerous national carbon taxes, noting Finland as the first to introduce one in 1990, and describes hybrid systems in Australia and New Zealand.

The document examines China's energy landscape as of 2012, highlighting its position as a global leader in renewable energy investment and wind capacity despite a heavy reliance on coal for electricity. It details the growth of the solar and wind sectors, the environmental and water-related costs of coal combustion, and the climate goals established under the 12th Five Year Plan, including targets for non-fossil fuel use and the implementation of carbon pricing mechanisms.

The report identifies a shift in public opinion between 2010 and 2012, with the 'Alarmed' segment growing from 10 percent to 16 percent and the 'Dismissive' segment shrinking from 16 percent to 8 percent. Across most segments, improved public health, reduced foreign oil dependence, and green job creation are viewed as top benefits of reducing fossil fuel use, while increased government regulation and higher energy prices are seen as the primary drawbacks. While majorities across all six groups support increasing renewable energy use, support for a carbon tax varies based on the proposal's specific benefits. Additionally, most segments believe that campaign contributors and the fossil fuel industry exert more influence over elected officials than citizens with shared views.

The paper analyzes the evolution of energy and climate change economics, noting a massive increase in research output since 2005. While quantity has surged, the author suggests a potential relative decline in originality compared to the 1990s.

The document identifies five key realms for renewable energy policy: direct purchase mandates, improving the business case through financial incentives, removing non-price barriers, supporting research and development, and addressing grid intermittency. It recommends that Japan maintain its generous feed-in tariffs, expand demand response, and unbundle transmission from generation to increase competition. The report provides detailed international case studies from the US, Germany, and other nations to illustrate effective mechanisms such as Green Banks, loan guarantees, and carbon taxes.

The document examines the debate over whether economic growth can be decoupled from environmental degradation or if a transition to 'degrowth' and post-consumerism is necessary. It contrasts 'ecological modernisation'—which relies on green technology and efficiency—with 'green radicalism,' which advocates for sufficiency and cultural shifts. The text applies these theories to specific national contexts, arguing that while some developed nations may be entering a post-consumerist era due to economic instability, others, like Croatia, still require green growth to ensure social stability. It concludes that a sustainable future requires redistributing wealth, sharing work, and moving beyond the 'productivist compromise' of the post-war era.