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The report examines the ecological importance of Arctic wetlands, particularly their role in global carbon storage and biodiversity, while analyzing the public policy frameworks used by Arctic states to manage them. It highlights that while scientific knowledge of wetland functions is extensive, significant gaps exist in policy coherence, the influence of societal interest networks, and real-time mapping. The document advocates for a Social-Ecological Systems (SES) approach to stewardship, emphasizing the necessity of indigenous and local community participation and the adoption of advanced geospatial AI tools to improve wetland inventories and monitoring.

Reclaim Finance argues that AXA has abandoned its climate leadership by refusing to commit to ending investments or insurance coverage for oil and gas production, including shale gas. The organization highlights AXA's reliance on collective 'net zero' alliances to avoid individual responsibility and criticizes AXA's potential support for Total's climate plan, which Reclaim Finance claims is incompatible with the 1.5°C goal. Additionally, AXA is criticized for continuing to invest in Fortum despite the pro-coal lobbying activities of its subsidiary, Uniper.

The statement by Reclaim Finance criticizes NatWest for a lack of clarity regarding its fossil fuel financing policies. Despite commitments to net-zero by 2050 and a coal phase-out by 2030, the bank remains among the top 50 most polluting banks globally, having provided over $13 billion in fossil fuel financing between 2016 and 2020. The author highlights specific gaps in NatWest's coal exit strategy, noting continued support for companies like Glencore and RWE, and demands clear 'red lines' for the 'credible transition plans' required of oil and gas producers by the end of 2021.

Reclaim Finance argues that Engie is failing its climate ambitions by converting coal power plants to gas and biomass rather than transitioning to sustainable renewables. The document highlights specific conversions in Chile and a proposed gas project in Italy as evidence of a lack of strategic vision, while noting that Engie's current SBTi-certified target of 2°C is insufficient compared to the required 1.5°C trajectory.

A coalition of NGOs calls on Total shareholders to reject the company's climate strategy and leadership, citing insufficient emission reduction targets, planned increases in hydrocarbon production, and a lack of transparency regarding Scope 3 emissions.

The United States aims to reduce carbon pollution to at least 50-52 percent below 2005 levels by 2030. RMI asserts that this is achievable by immediately phasing out fossil fuel infrastructure and scaling three primary solutions: renewables (wind, solar, and batteries), electrification (electric vehicles and heat pumps), and holistic efficiency. The document emphasizes that cumulative emissions are the critical metric for limiting warming to 1.5°C and that the transition will provide significant public health benefits, job creation, and social equity, particularly for historically disadvantaged communities.

On Earth Day 2021, Covering Climate Now highlights President Joe Biden's pledge to cut US carbon pollution by 50 percent by 2030 compared to 2005 levels and the ongoing efforts of activists like Greta Thunberg to end fossil fuel subsidies. The statement calls on journalists to scrutinize government claims against scientific necessity and to treat climate change as an emergency across all news beats.

The Clean Air Task Force asserts that the EU's 2050 climate targets require immediate action this decade to be effective. It specifically advocates for strong methane standards for domestic and imported gas to reduce over five million tons of methane annually by 2030, and calls for investment in carbon capture, removal, storage, and zero-carbon fuels to decarbonize industrial processes, heavy transport, and waste management.

The authors contend that while corporate pledges to reduce emissions are increasing, the decarbonization of heavy industry—which accounts for approximately 18% of global carbon emissions—requires significant government funding and regulatory support. They highlight the 'Global Framework Principles for Decarbonizing Heavy Industry' as a tool to coordinate these efforts and criticize the gap between the climate rhetoric and actual policy actions of leaders in the US, China, Japan, and India.

A February 2021 international survey of Facebook users across more than 30 countries and territories reveals overwhelming public support for the Paris Climate Agreement and a widespread desire for governments to prioritize climate action, with the strongest support found in Central and South America.

Reclaim Finance asserts that the Powering Past Coal Alliance (PPCA) is failing to drive a real movement away from coal despite growing membership. The organization highlights that most financial institution members continue to fund coal development, and co-chairs Canada and the United Kingdom, along with members like Mexico and Germany, exhibit contradictory behaviors such as planning new mines or power plants. The document calls for the PPCA to reform its criteria to include the entire coal sector and align with Paris Agreement timetables ahead of COP26.

Reclaim Finance asserts that the Powering Past Coal Alliance (PPCA) has failed to translate its membership growth into a real coal phase-out. The organization highlights that most financial members continue to fund coal, and several member states, including Canada and the UK, are pursuing new coal projects or exports. It calls for a reform of PPCA principles to include mines and infrastructure and demands that financial institutions adopt policies based on the Coal Policy Tool to meet Paris Agreement timelines.

The document argues that the restructuring plan for Complexul Energetic Oltenia (CEO) fails to restore long-term viability because it maintains unviable lignite assets and invests in fossil gas, which are viewed as stranded assets. The authors contend that the plan contradicts the European Green Deal and the Paris Agreement, and that the proposed State aid—including €241.4 million for 2020 CO2 allowances—violates EU law and the 'do no harm' principle. They highlight a lack of real own contribution from CEO and the absence of meaningful compensatory measures, suggesting instead a full lignite phase-out by 2030.

Carbon Market Watch argues against the use of 'net' targets in the EU Climate Law, asserting that carbon removals from forests cannot replace the need for gross emission reductions. The organization advocates for a 65% reduction in emissions by 2030 and the exclusion of carbon removals from the EU carbon market to prevent big emitters from using offsets to avoid cutting pollution.

A September 2021 survey of 898 registered U.S. voters shows broad support for international climate action, including a 73% approval rate for the U.S. pledge to reduce carbon pollution by 50% by 2030. While 66% of voters believe the U.S. should reduce emissions regardless of other countries' actions, there is even stronger consensus that developing countries (81%) and other industrialized nations (74%) should do more to address global warming. Support for providing financial and technical aid to developing countries for mitigation (66%) and adaptation (61%) has increased since March 2021, though significant partisan divides remain, particularly among conservative Republicans.

The author advocates for a transition from 'environmental protection' to 'ecologism,' which addresses the root causes of ecological destruction rather than just symptoms. The text proposes a global green vision characterized by a 'just transition' to post-growth economics, the localization of supply chains to reduce dependence on globalized capitalist models, and the democratization of global governance. It emphasizes a shift in security paradigms from state militarism to human security, focusing on poverty, health, and environmental degradation. The document calls for the reallocation of global military spending—approximately 1.7 trillion dollars annually—toward sustainable development and the adoption of a 'fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty' to complement the Paris Agreement.

The document examines the systemic failure of natural resource governance since the 1972 Stockholm Declaration, noting that material demand per capita grew from 7.4 tons in 1970 to 12.2 tons in 2017. It highlights severe inequalities in resource distribution, where high-income countries have a per capita material footprint thirteen times larger than low-income countries. The brief argues that sustainable governance requires shifting from linear 'extract-use-discard' models to circular economies, strengthening tenure security for marginalized groups, and ensuring the free, prior, and informed consent of Indigenous Peoples. It specifically calls for extended producer responsibility and gender-responsive decision-making to protect ecological integrity and human rights.

ClientEarth argues that the ECB's Corporate Sector Purchase Programme (CSPP) and Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme (PEPP) exhibit a structural bias toward greenhouse gas-intensive companies, which undermines EU climate targets and increases systemic financial risk. The organization asserts that the ECB has legal obligations under EU treaties and the Charter of Fundamental Rights to integrate environmental protection into its monetary policy. ClientEarth proposes three specific actions: the immediate exclusion of bonds from companies incompatible with Paris Goals (including coal and unconventional oil and gas), requiring companies to adopt credible net-zero transition strategies by January 2023, and implementing annual TCFD-aligned reporting starting in 2022. The letter challenges the ECB's 'market neutral' approach, claiming it locks in high-carbon business models and fails to account for climate-related financial risks.

The policy brief outlines a framework for cooperation between the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) to leverage green transitions for sustainable growth and climate resilience. It identifies six key areas for action: energy transitions, the circular economy, trade, agricultural adaptation, climate diplomacy, and financial instruments. The authors emphasize that while the EU aims for carbon neutrality by 2050, African priorities focus on poverty reduction and adaptation. The brief recommends that the EU avoid creating new trade barriers, such as carbon border taxes for Least Developed Countries (LDCs), and instead invest in green infrastructure, sustainable waste management, and grant-based adaptation funding to ensure a socially inclusive transition.

The authors contend that human rights law is often underutilised or dismissed as unfit for contemporary challenges because it is viewed primarily as a tool for individual protection against state interference. They argue for a shift toward recognizing 'positive obligations'—the duty of states to actively protect rights—to address collective crises. By citing climate litigation in the Netherlands, Ireland, and France, as well as food security cases in India, the text demonstrates how legal frameworks can hold governments accountable for failing to meet their obligations, thereby bridging the gap between political aspiration and concrete action.