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The author contends that progressive and Green politics in Europe are currently overshadowed by right-wing narratives of fear and security. To counter this, the text suggests adopting 'hope-based' communication rooted in intrinsic values—such as empathy, care, and connection to nature—rather than rational utilitarian arguments. Drawing on brain science and political examples like the US Green New Deal, the document advocates for 'Solarpunk' visions of the future and community-building actions to create a new 'Green wave' of political agency.

The document argues that current economic systems are failing and that large-scale economic reform requires broad public support, which can be generated through participatory mechanisms. It defines a 'social contract' as an agreement between state and society on rights, responsibilities, and resource distribution, suggesting that a new 'eco-social contract' is needed to prioritize the planet and people over profit. The briefing details various innovative mechanisms for citizen engagement—such as citizen assemblies, participatory budgeting, and just transition processes—and identifies five key tools best suited for driving economic reform. It emphasizes the need to expand these mechanisms to the Global South and frontline communities to restore trust and create a 'social mandate' for a just and sustainable transition.

The text examines the intersection of the cost-of-living crisis, energy insecurity, and climate change in Europe, arguing that these shocks reveal the failure of the current socioeconomic model. It suggests that Green parties must move beyond austerity or simple redistribution to advocate for public investments in the green transition, decentralized renewable energy cooperatives, and a Green New Deal to ensure social protections and ecological resilience.

The text examines the intersection of the cost of living crisis, geopolitical shocks, and climate change in Europe, advocating for a 'social core' to the Green New Deal to ensure a just energy transition.

The research by CSSN Scholars Fergus Green and Noel Healy asserts that socioeconomic inequalities actively fuel climate change by driving emissions-intensive production and consumption, enabling wealthy elites to obstruct policy, and weakening public support for collective action. The authors argue that integrating carbon-centric policies into a broader program of social, economic, and democratic reforms—such as those found in Green New Deal proposals—addresses these causal mechanisms and enables more effective political strategies for decarbonization.

The text examines the crisis in UK higher education, highlighting industrial disputes led by the University and College Union (UCU) over pay, pensions, and precarious working conditions. It critiques the 'academic capitalism' model, where students are treated as customers and universities as businesses, noting that this system undermines the critical thinking needed to address climate change. The author advocates for the abolition of student fees, the democratisation of university governance, and a shift in mission toward leading radical transformations for a just and sustainable future.

The We Mean Business Coalition highlights that companies using the Science Based Targets initiative (SBTi) are reducing emissions faster than the global average, noting a 12% cut in 2020 compared to a 5% global decrease. With 2,253 companies representing $38 trillion in market capitalization engaged with SBTi, the author urges G7 governments to align Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) with the goal of halving global emissions by 2030 and to create legal requirements for all companies to set targets. The document emphasizes that a just transition to clean energy—through renewables, electrification, and energy efficiency—is essential to enable businesses to decarbonize their value chains and meet these targets.

The document argues that climate change is a scientific imperative that should be central to all levels of political reporting, regardless of party affiliation. It encourages journalists to hold candidates accountable for their climate records, explore the implications of the Green New Deal and similar global investment programs, and humanize the crisis by focusing on local impacts and environmental justice. Additionally, it highlights the influence of youth activists and the importance of tracking campaign financing from fossil fuel interests to reveal a candidate's true environmental allegiances.

The document examines the 'polycrisis' affecting Europe, where the cost of living crisis is driven by a combination of the pandemic, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and long-term neoliberal policies. It analyzes the disproportionate impact on young people, women, and the elderly, while exploring systemic failures in energy, housing, and food systems. The authors advocate for 'energy sobriety', the re-municipalisation of water, the expansion of social housing, and the revitalization of trade unions as essential steps toward a Green New Deal that ensures social justice and ecological sustainability.

The report finds overwhelming public and organizational support for priority climate legislation in Connecticut, yet a significant gap exists between this support and legislative outcomes. While 91.7% of testimony positions supported priority bills, most legislation died in committee. The study highlights a stark imbalance in lobbying resources, with electric and gas utilities spending over $24 million—far exceeding the spending of environmental groups and renewable energy firms. Opposition to climate action has shifted from denying climate science to employing 'climate delay' discourses, such as arguing that Connecticut is too small to matter or that policies would disproportionately harm low-income residents.

The document traces the history of sustainable consumption and production (SCP) from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the adoption of SDG 12, highlighting a shift in UN discourse from inter-generational equity and consumption limits toward a more business-friendly focus on innovation and decoupling. It notes that despite multilateral commitments, the global material footprint grew by 17.4% between 2010 and 2017. The brief advocates for a 'systems approach' and a transition from linear to circular material flows, while suggesting that the COVID-19 pandemic and climate emergency necessitate a new economic paradigm that prioritizes social well-being and the common good over GDP growth.

The report analyzes the Mises Institute Network, a global group of ultra-libertarian think tanks, and its efforts to obstruct climate change mitigation. It finds that the network uses the philosophy of Ludwig von Mises to argue against state intervention and climate science, promoting 'free-market environmentalism' instead. While climate change was not a primary focus before 2016, there was a significant spike in opposition content in 2019, coinciding with the U.S. and EU Green Deal proposals. The network operates across 25 countries, utilizing social media and university presence to recruit young activists and employing climate contrarians to spread its messaging.

The author advocates for a transition from 'environmental protection' to 'ecologism,' which addresses the root causes of ecological destruction rather than just symptoms. The text proposes a global green vision characterized by a 'just transition' to post-growth economics, the localization of supply chains to reduce dependence on globalized capitalist models, and the democratization of global governance. It emphasizes a shift in security paradigms from state militarism to human security, focusing on poverty, health, and environmental degradation. The document calls for the reallocation of global military spending—approximately 1.7 trillion dollars annually—toward sustainable development and the adoption of a 'fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty' to complement the Paris Agreement.

The document argues that climate change is a justice issue, as systemic inequities cause people of color, indigenous people, and the poor to bear the brunt of climate disasters while being excluded from solution discussions. It urges journalists to move beyond science-focused reporting to cover climate-driven displacement, the disproportionate impact of pollution on poor communities, and the role of disadvantaged groups as climate innovators. The guide suggests focusing on how green spending and resilience projects are distributed and highlighting the public health impacts of corporate pollution to engage new audiences.

The document argues that the massive scale of Covid-19 recovery spending will determine whether the global economy locks in fossil fuel infrastructure or transitions to a zero-carbon economy. It encourages reporters to frame 'green stimulus' through the lens of the Green New Deal, climate justice, and historical comparisons to the 2008 financial crisis and the 1930s Great Depression. The guide highlights that green investments in wind, solar, and energy efficiency create more jobs per million dollars spent than conventional oil and gas, and urges local coverage of mass transit, building renovations, and the influence of utilities and regulatory bodies like the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission.

The paper explores 'Buen Vivir', an indigenous-rooted concept from Latin America that challenges anthropocentrism and infinite economic growth. It examines the concept's formal introduction into EU-Latin American relations via a 2015 EuroLat resolution and contrasts it with the 'Green Economy' and 'European Green Deal', which the authors argue maintain a growth-centric logic. While governmental adoption in Europe remains limited, the text identifies local 'post-developmentalist' practices in countries like Spain, Greece, and the Netherlands—such as agroecology and the recognition of nature's rights—as aligned with Buen Vivir principles.

The paper explores 'buen vivir' (living well), a biocentric paradigm from Latin America that challenges the modern focus on infinite economic growth. While formal EU-Latin America diplomatic efforts, such as the 2015 EuroLat resolution, have acknowledged the concept, it remains overshadowed by the 'green economy' and 'European Green Deal' frameworks that maintain a focus on productivity. However, the authors identify a rise in local European initiatives—such as granting legal rights to nature in Spain and the Netherlands and the growth of agroecology and commons-based projects—that align with the logic of buen vivir by seeking a harmonious relationship between humans and nature.

A December 2020 survey of 949 registered U.S. voters reveals broad support for clean energy development, energy efficiency, and international climate cooperation, though significant partisan divides persist regarding the urgency of global warming and specific regulatory policies. While majorities support transitioning to 100% clean energy by 2050 and the Paris Climate Agreement, support for fossil fuel expansion remains higher among Republicans. The report also highlights a general consensus on the economic benefits of clean energy and the importance of climate education in schools.

A December 2020 survey of 949 registered U.S. voters reveals broad support for clean energy development and various climate policies, though significant partisan divides remain regarding the urgency of global warming and specific regulatory measures. While majorities support transitioning to 100% clean energy by 2050 and participating in the Paris Climate Agreement, support for fossil fuel expansion remains higher among Republicans. The report also highlights a general consensus on the importance of infrastructure investment and climate education in schools.

The research finds that both The New York Times and Wall Street Journal frame the Green New Deal as a "dangerous policy" by depicting its Millennial supporters as "extremist Millennial “Others.”" This discursive strategy of casting supporters as a threat is used to discredit the policy's viability and promote a market-based carbon tax as the only viable solution, thereby suppressing a diversity of political perspectives and stunting agonistic media pluralism.