Search Climate Insights Directory

The article critiques Bruno Latour's framework for understanding climate change denial, arguing that his post-humanist approach risks mirroring the denialism it aims to challenge and overlooks the diverse global responses to the Anthropocene and the role of postcolonial power relations in global governance.

The document traces the history of sustainable consumption and production (SCP) from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the adoption of SDG 12, highlighting a shift in UN discourse from inter-generational equity and consumption limits toward a more business-friendly focus on innovation and decoupling. It notes that despite multilateral commitments, the global material footprint grew by 17.4% between 2010 and 2017. The brief advocates for a 'systems approach' and a transition from linear to circular material flows, while suggesting that the COVID-19 pandemic and climate emergency necessitate a new economic paradigm that prioritizes social well-being and the common good over GDP growth.

The document critiques orthodox macroeconomic policies for ignoring social reproduction and gendered power dynamics, particularly in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic in Africa. It argues that neoliberal austerity and financialisation have undermined public services and increased the burden of unpaid care on women. The authors propose a recovery based on a 'feminist green economy,' increased fiscal space through progressive taxation and debt cancellation, and a shift toward a social reproductive economy that prioritises basic income and universal access to essential services.

The author advocates for a transition from 'environmental protection' to 'ecologism,' which addresses the root causes of ecological destruction rather than just symptoms. The text proposes a global green vision characterized by a 'just transition' to post-growth economics, the localization of supply chains to reduce dependence on globalized capitalist models, and the democratization of global governance. It emphasizes a shift in security paradigms from state militarism to human security, focusing on poverty, health, and environmental degradation. The document calls for the reallocation of global military spending—approximately 1.7 trillion dollars annually—toward sustainable development and the adoption of a 'fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty' to complement the Paris Agreement.

The document is a comprehensive collection of essays and interviews exploring the evolution of green politics. It analyzes the tension between 'green growth' and 'degrowth', the rise of Green parties in Europe, and the intersection of climate action with feminism, labor rights, and geopolitics. Key discussions include the critique of the European Green Deal as 'greenwashing', the impact of lignite mining in Germany, and the role of the 'Green New Deal' in the US as a tool for socio-economic transformation.

The document reports on a 2019 meeting in Dakar where academics, policymakers, and activists critiqued the impact of neoclassical economics and neoliberalism on Africa. Key discussions focused on the failures of Structural Adjustment Programs, the 'myth' of Africa Rising, and the exclusion of gender and care work from economic metrics like GDP. The participants proposed heterodox alternatives, including the Social and Solidarity Economy, food sovereignty, and feminist economics, while outlining a strategic roadmap for building an epistemic community to promote intellectual sovereignty and inclusive development across the continent.

The paper argues that the 'water security' discourse often leads to the securitization of water challenges, which can justify the transgression of normative positions. In contrast, the authors propose a 'water equity' discourse that incorporates norm-critical considerations to empower sub-national agents and bypass traditional power-brokering cycles in addressing water controversies exacerbated by climate change.

The document argues that biodiversity offsets are based on reductionist theories that fail to account for the uniqueness of ecosystems. It identifies multiple types of losses—ecological, normative, and moral—that occur when restoration is used to justify habitat destruction. The authors conclude that 'no net loss' is a false goal and advocate for a 'no more loss' approach combined with multi-criteria evaluation and increased social participation.

Benoit Lechat discusses the need to expand the social base of ecological politics in Europe, analyzing the 2014 European election results and the ideological barriers posed by neoliberalism and 'liberal productivism'.

The authors critique the Green Economy (GE) for its anthropocentric, market-based approach that treats nature as 'natural capital' and argues that such a framework is incompatible with the goal of protecting the intrinsic rights of Nature. They contrast the GE's reliance on economic valuation and Payments for Environmental Services (PES) with a bio-centric perspective that recognizes nature's right to exist independently of human utility. The paper highlights Ecuador as a pioneer in constitutionalizing the rights of Nature and proposes practical global measures, including the strict protection of 10% of all ecoregions and a transition to 100% organic food production.

The report argues that climate economics lags behind climate science, often relying on outdated data and simplified cost-benefit frameworks. It advocates for a shift toward precautionary, standards-based decision-making to avoid catastrophic tipping points, such as the collapse of the Amazon rain forest or large-scale methane release. The authors recommend that economic models incorporate up-to-date probability distributions for climate sensitivity, account for regional vulnerabilities, and use endogenous technological change to model abatement costs. The report emphasizes that limiting warming to 2°C requires immediate, large-scale emissions reductions, as current international commitments are insufficient.

The report argues that a well-functioning security sector is the foundation of state stability and that defence must be integrated into government-wide structures to be effective. It critiques traditional 'civil-military relations' theories that view the military primarily as a threat to be controlled, suggesting instead that the military should be seen as a public service providing force or the threat of force to support state policy. The author emphasizes a 'task-based' rather than 'threat-based' approach to security policy and advocates for integrated hierarchies in ministries of defence to foster cooperation between civilian and military personnel. The text also details the technical aspects of intelligence collection, the management of defence budgets, and the importance of democratic accountability through parliament and transparency.

The author critiques existing international relations literature for viewing China primarily as an object of Western socialisation, arguing instead that China is an active agent of socialisation. Using the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) as a case study, the paper demonstrates how China employs a 'colony narrative' and the framework of South-South cooperation to frame itself as a fellow developing country resisting Western hegemony. This discourse legitimises the 'security-development nexus'—the idea that economic development is the foundation of security—allowing Beijing to shift from a policy of non-interference to active engagement in African peace and security operations while maintaining a consistent diplomatic narrative.

The author argues that the existing theory of 'violent pluralism' ignores the gendered nature of political violence in Latin America. By analyzing internally displaced women's organizations in Colombia and high-profile murders of activists in Brazil, El Salvador, Honduras, and Mexico, the paper identifies a three-pronged relationship: gendered violence as an obstacle to organizing, organizing as a response to violence, and organizing as a cause of further violence. The author highlights how states often 'privatize' the deaths of women activists by framing them as domestic or criminal rather than political.

The authors examine the rise of Security Force Assistance (SFA)—the training and equipping of foreign armed forces—as a preferred alternative to large-scale combat deployments and expensive security sector reform. They argue that in fragile states, SFA often fails because providers misread local political dynamics, where ruling elites may manipulate security fragmentation for their own survival. The paper critiques the standard principal-agent theory of SFA, suggesting it lacks the nuance to account for the heterogeneity of programs and the lack of cohesiveness among multiple providers and recipients. Through various case studies, the authors highlight unintended consequences, such as the creation of elite units that serve as instruments for regime protection rather than national security.

The author replicates and extends the civil war model of Collier & Hoeffler (2002), finding that while natural resources correlate with conflict, the drivers differ by region. In the Middle East, the 'greed' explanation—where rebels fight to seize resources—is less plausible than a 'rentier-state' model, where oil-funded authoritarianism, corruption, and slow growth generate grievances. The study also finds that democracy is significantly and negatively related to civil conflict, a finding absent in the original Collier & Hoeffler analysis.

The author examines the post-communist trajectories of Central and Southeastern Europe, arguing that the collapse of communism was foreseeable and constituted a comprehensive revolution. The text analyzes debates over whether the process was a 'transition' or 'transformation' and identifies key determinants of democratic consolidation, such as the absence of war, the role of the European Union, and educational attainment. It specifically refutes the 'ancient hatreds' myth regarding the Yugoslav meltdown, attributing the conflict instead to system illegitimacy, economic decay, and the agency of leaders like Slobodan Milošević.