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The report highlights the systemic neglect of 200,000 to 400,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in northern Kenya, who face severe vulnerability due to a combination of colonial legacies, violent conflict, human rights abuses, and climatic factors. It argues that while IDPs in other regions of Kenya received significant support following the 2007/08 post-election violence, pastoralist IDPs are largely unaccounted for and receive only inadequate, short-term humanitarian aid. The document calls for the adoption of a national IDP policy, ratification of the Kampala Convention, and a shift toward long-term security and development solutions.

The briefing assesses the failure of the Djibouti reconciliation process and the subsequent dysfunction of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) under President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. It critiques the international community for relying on a simplistic 'moderates versus extremists' binary and a counter-terrorist framework that ignores Somali factionalism and the complexities of groups like Shabaab. The author contends that the TFG is perceived as a tool of foreign interests and is plagued by internal corruption and leadership weaknesses. The document recommends moving away from military solutions and instead engaging the broader armed opposition and all sectors of Somali society to achieve lasting peace.

The report examines the transition of Zimbabwe's government following the 2008 electoral crisis and the subsequent formation of an Inclusive Government (IG) under the Global Political Agreement (GPA). While the IG achieved early economic successes, including taming hyperinflation and securing international aid, it faced significant political deadlock. Key obstacles include the lack of security sector reform, disputes over unilateral political appointments, and disagreements over the constitution-making process. The author argues that the GPA's general nature allows ZANU-PF to maintain power centres and block reforms, suggesting that international support should be targeted toward progressive ministries to legitimise change.

The report analyzes the Democratic Republic of Congo's transition toward national elections scheduled for 2006. It details the legislative progress, the operational challenges of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), and the critical role of security sector reform. The authors identify significant security threats from armed groups in Ituri, North Kivu, and Katanga, as well as political tensions involving the UDPS. Three scenarios are presented: a successful transition under the current '1+4' leadership, a transition with new leadership, or a total breakdown of order.

The document provides a situation report on the military integration and Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes in the DRC. It details the FARDC's three-stage strategic plan to establish a national defence force by 2010, starting with light infantry brigades. The report highlights significant obstacles, including a lack of political will, severe funding shortages for equipment and salaries, and the discovery that 30-40% of listed soldiers are 'ghosts'. While coordination between international donors (via the Contact Group and EUSEC) and national bodies has improved, the process remains fragile, evidenced by high desertion rates in brassage centres and threats of re-invasion in the east.

The report examines the conflict in Ituri, driven by Hema-Lendu ethnic tensions and exacerbated by Ugandan and Rwandan interests. It details the Disarmament and Community Reinsertion (DCR) process, noting that while robust MONUC operations and an ultimatum from Ambassador William Swing increased disarmament numbers to over 11,000 by late April 2005, the stability remains tenuous. Key risks include delays in UNDP reinsertion projects, the continued activity of the UPC-K, and the predatory behaviour of underpaid FARDC troops.

As of April 2003, Burundi faced a severe humanitarian crisis characterized by massive internal displacement, food insecurity due to drought, and a fragmented political transition. An estimated 300,000 people had died since 1993, and over 500,000 were internally displaced. The document highlights that international aid remains limited because donors are withholding support until a comprehensive ceasefire and the Arusha agreement reforms are implemented. High population density and land scarcity further complicate the potential return of over 840,000 refugees, primarily located in Tanzania. The report concludes that humanitarian conditions will not improve until the government ends impunity and protects civilians, and until political elites prioritize peace over power struggles.

The document examines the polarized debate over GM foods in Africa, specifically focusing on the 2002 food crisis in Southern Africa. It argues that while GM technology offers potential gains, it cannot solve food security on its own because hunger is driven by complex economic, social, and political factors rather than just production. The author highlights the risks of multinational control over seeds, potential loss of biodiversity, and the danger of 'techno-fix' approaches that ignore traditional, drought-resistant crops. The report calls for SADC to harmonize biosafety regulations and for African nations to lead the debate to ensure biotechnology serves local needs rather than external commercial interests.

Following the April 2002 ceasefire, Angola faces immense reconstruction needs, including the reintegration of approximately 105,000 ex-combatants and the resettlement of 4.3 million internally displaced persons. While the country possesses vast oil and mineral wealth, structural crises persist in health, education, and agriculture. A critical strategic concern is the Okavango River Basin; as Angola develops the headwaters in Kuando-Kubango province, potential increases in water abstraction and dam construction could negatively impact the downstream ecosystems and water security of Namibia and Botswana. Cooperation is managed through the Permanent Okavango River Basin Water Commission (OKACOM), but Angola's lack of technical capacity and hydrometric data hinders its participation in integrated water resource management.