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The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) reviewed 107 unique documents from 2,984 public comments regarding the EPA's 2024 Cumulative Impacts (CI) Framework. The analysis identifies five core themes for a robust CI program: legal authority, program execution, community engagement, assessment methodology, and ensuring outcomes. The report notes that the second Trump administration has undermined these efforts by rescinding environmental justice executive orders, disbanding advisory councils, and eliminating the EPA's Office of Environmental Justice and External Civil Rights.

The report synthesizes interviews with 25 climate litigation practitioners to identify critical gaps in scientific evidence needed for legal accountability. It highlights ten research priorities, including advances in end-to-end attribution science, quantification of noneconomic loss and damage, and the impact of industry disinformation. The authors also detail barriers to integrating science in courts, such as the 'resource imbalance' between public-interest lawyers and industry defendants, the differing standards of 'certainty' between science and law, and political interference in the judiciary.

The paper uses Nancy Fraser’s three-dimensional justice framework to analyze how hydropower projects on the Mekong River generate climate (im)mobility injustices for communities in Northeast Thailand. It identifies three interconnected processes: economic destabilization of river-based livelihoods, the erosion of ecological knowledge and place-based attachments, and political exclusions that prevent affected parties from making claims. The research, based on 2024 fieldwork and interviews, highlights how these factors constrain the ability of communities to move or stay as they desire and how these communities contest such injustices.

The report finds that while significant financial flows enter the Cerrado, the current financial architecture fails to align agricultural funding with sustainability and zero-deforestation goals. Subsidized sustainable credit represents only 5.7% of total rural credit in the biome between 2020/21 and 2023/24, and is highly concentrated among large producers and a few financial institutions. The Matopiba region is particularly vulnerable, concentrating over 55% of the biome's deforestation (2013–2022) while relying heavily on Constitutional Financing Funds (FCFs), which often lack transparent sustainability criteria. Blended finance instruments show potential through risk mitigation and flexible terms but remain limited in scale compared to the economic incentives driving land conversion. The authors recommend improving transparency via the Brazilian Sustainable Taxonomy (TSB), expanding the role of sustainable credit, and fostering financial innovation to mobilize private capital.

The document analyzes a global trend of decreasing climate coverage in news media, particularly in the US, while identifying specific reasons for this decline and offering a prescription for revitalizing climate journalism to reflect the high level of public concern.

The report finds that while significant financial flows reach the Cerrado, particularly in the MATOPIBA region, the current architecture fails to align agricultural finance with zero-deforestation goals. Sustainable subsidized credit represents only 5.7% of total rural credit in the biome and is highly concentrated among large producers and a few financial institutions. In MATOPIBA, Constitutional Financing Funds (FCFs) provide 62% of subsidized credit but lack transparency regarding sustainability criteria. Blended-finance instruments show promise through risk-mitigation and value chain partnerships but remain limited in scale due to high Brazilian interest rates, regulatory complexity for foreign investors, and the strong economic incentive for land conversion. The authors recommend improving transparency via the Brazilian Sustainable Taxonomy (BST), increasing the share of sustainability-linked public credit, and scaling innovative blended structures to mobilize private capital.

The report analyzes how the 'Romanian scenario'—a conspiracy theory alleging that the EU, intelligence services, and courts can rig elections—was used by far-right and far-left political actors, alternative media, and Russian-affiliated channels to undermine trust in Czechia's 2025 parliamentary elections. The narrative evolved from the actual annulment of a Romanian election round in December 2024 into a broader claim of institutional manipulation, often linking the EU's Rapid Response System (RRS) to 'censorship'. The study identifies a transnational pattern, noting similar narratives in Poland and Croatia, and highlights the role of pro-Kremlin propaganda in amplifying these claims to foster democratic distrust.

The report details the disproportionate risks faced by women environmental and human rights defenders (WEHRDs) in Africa, including gender-based violence, criminalization, and digital surveillance. It highlights a significant gap between the actual violence experienced and official data, which often underreports attacks against women. Through country spotlights on Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, South Africa, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Nigeria, the document illustrates how patriarchal norms and corporate-state collusion exacerbate the vulnerability of WEHRDs. It concludes with recommendations for African states and international donors to implement gender-responsive protection frameworks, end the criminalization of activism, and provide flexible, long-term funding for women-led grassroots initiatives.

The research investigates the 'soft securitization' of offshore wind energy in Sweden, finding a disconnect between the European Union's framing of wind energy as a security imperative and Sweden's technical planning approach, while noting that national defence actors exert significant non-transparent influence over outcomes.

The report analyzes disinformation surrounding the Saguaro Project, finding that a significant portion of content on Facebook (43%) and YouTube (39%) used misleading narratives to frame the fossil gas project as a climate solution and driver of economic growth. Government accounts and media outlets were primary sources of this content, often employing 'transition fuel' rhetoric to legitimize the project despite its environmental impacts and legal challenges.

The report identifies a critical gap in food loss and waste (FLW) research in Southeast Asia, noting an over-reliance on technocratic efficiency and a lack of focus on power structures and gender equity. Through case studies in Bali (coffee), regional small-scale fisheries, and Bangkok (urban agriculture), the authors find that socio-institutional innovations—such as social forestry and collective action—are generally more effective than standalone technologies like biogas digesters or solar dryers, which often suffer from poor maintenance and limited local uptake. The report argues that FLW is deeply linked to gender and social inclusion (GESI) gaps, as women often dominate critical loss points in the value chain but lack the resources and decision-making power to implement improvements. It recommends a rights-based, participatory approach aligned with agroecology and the City-Region Food Systems (CRFS) framework to achieve a just food systems transformation.

The report examines how climate-induced migration, displacement, and planned relocation are incorporated into National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) and sub-national governance. It highlights a gap between high-level policy commitments and local implementation, emphasizing that sub-national actors often drive the national agenda. The document identifies strategies for better integration, such as localizing NAP priorities and improving finance flows to local leadership.

The report examines the integration of finance within National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) across 59 developing countries. It finds that while most NAPs include dedicated finance sections and rely heavily on international public funding, there is a significant gap in detailed costing and the mobilization of private-sector finance. The authors recommend that countries move toward more investment-oriented NAP documents, implement climate-resilient fiscal planning, and adopt tailored financing strategies—particularly for Least Developed Countries (LDCs)—to bridge the adaptation finance gap.

The document analyzes climate obstruction in Argentina and Brazil, identifying a shift toward explicit climate denial under President Javier Milei in Argentina and a complex mix of agribusiness-led obstruction and state-driven fossil fuel expansion in Brazil. It highlights how developmentalist ideologies and economic lobbying in both nations hinder the transition to low-carbon economies, despite Brazil's recent efforts to reduce Amazonian deforestation.

The document identifies that while the U.S. needs a three- to four-fold increase in transmission capacity over 30 years, deployment is hindered by federal leadership gaps, insufficient agency staffing, and uncoordinated requirements across federal, state, and Tribal jurisdictions. Quantitative analysis of 33 completed transmission lines shows an average EIS review length of 4.3 years. The author recommends consolidating siting authority under FERC for projects in the national interest, expanding the use of programmatic environmental impact statements, and utilizing the Permitting Dashboard for greater transparency.

The report identifies barriers to meaningful public participation in Public Utility Commission proceedings and proposes five key opportunities for states to improve procedural justice, including better public education, clearer participation guidance, increased funding for staff and intervenor compensation, enhanced data transparency, and greater community input on equity policies.

The Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) identified 545 domestic extremist accounts in Canada, analyzing 413,288 posts across platforms like X and Telegram. The study found that while the volume of hate speech decreased by 34% from the previous period, anti-migrant and antisemitic content remained prevalent. Violent speech peaked in January 2025, coinciding with Justin Trudeau's resignation and Donald Trump's rhetoric regarding Canada. Key narratives included misogyny, conspiracy theories surrounding Romana Didulo, and anti-government sentiment. The report also highlights a 'Revolutionary Movementarianism' strategy aimed at blending public political activism with the secret build-up of paramilitary structures.

The report identifies 545 domestic extremist accounts in Canada, analyzing over 413,000 posts. It finds that ethnonationalists and white supremacists are the most prolific, while anti-Muslim extremists achieve the highest engagement. Hate speech decreased by 34% from the previous period, with migrants and Jewish people being the primary targets. The document also introduces a new analysis of violent speech, noting peaks coinciding with political events like Justin Trudeau's resignation and Donald Trump's rhetoric regarding Canada.

The report analyzes 883 posts featuring AI-generated content (AIGC) from German far-right accounts, finding that generative AI is used as a cost-effective complement to existing digital strategies. Key actors include the AfD, 'Neue Rechte' outlets, and AI-generated 'influencers'. The content primarily focuses on anti-migrant narratives, attacks on the 'traffic light' coalition government, and the glorification of an idealized German identity. The study highlights a significant lack of platform compliance with the EU Digital Services Act (DSA) and the AI Act regarding the labeling and removal of misleading AIGC.

The report finds that women candidates in the 2024 French legislative elections, particularly those from left-wing parties, faced widespread online gender-based violence (OGBV) and gendered disinformation on TikTok. This abuse often intersected with racism, classism, and religious discrimination. The analysis highlights TikTok's failure to effectively moderate this content, arguing that the platform's automated tools are insufficient and that its lack of action contradicts obligations under the EU's Digital Services Act (DSA). The report notes that such harassment can lead candidates to reduce their online activity, thereby undermining democratic participation.