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The report argues that Zimbabwe's commitment to economic and political reform is largely a 'theatre of reform' designed to maintain ZANU-PF hegemony rather than address systemic issues. While the government has engaged with the IMF through a Staff Monitored Programme and proposed the 'Lima Strategy' to clear debt arrears, progress is stymied by endemic corruption, a ballooning civil service wage bill, and fierce factional battles over Robert Mugabe's succession. The document highlights critical failures in land reform transparency, the 'looting' of Marange diamonds, and a compromised voter registration process, suggesting that the country is on course for another disputed election in 2018.

The author contends that Brexit reflects a global anger toward political elites and the failures of globalisation, rather than a failure of the EU itself. The text highlights specific risks for Ireland, including the potential return of a land border and economic destruction if the UK leaves the single market. It further argues that the EU must reform its governance—specifically the European Council—to increase transparency and accountability to prevent further rises of right-wing populism in states like France. The author suggests that a lack of investment in infrastructure and a 'Green New Deal' contributed to the precariousness that fueled the Leave campaign.

The East African Community (EAC) took a lead role in managing the 2015 Burundi crisis, but its efforts were largely unsuccessful due to internal divisions among member states and a lack of binding implementation mechanisms. While the EAC initially attempted preventive diplomacy through a 'Delegation of the Wise', subsequent summits and facilitation efforts by leaders like Yoweri Museveni and Benjamin Mkapa failed to prevent violence or secure an inclusive political dialogue. The report highlights how geopolitical tensions between Rwanda and Tanzania further undermined regional cohesion, ultimately allowing the Burundian government to resist international pressure and proceed with contested elections.

The document examines the conceptual and political drivers of corruption in post-apartheid South Africa. It contends that the African National Congress (ANC) deliberately rejected the liberal model of a neutral, meritocratic bureaucracy in favour of 'cadre deployment' and a partisan state to achieve social and economic transformation. This shift, combined with the adoption of 'public management' reforms that reduced rule-based discipline and the decentralisation of procurement to foster a black capitalist class, created a system where political loyalty superseded administrative competence. The author suggests that current 'state capture'—including the influence of the Gupta family—is a consequence of this eroded administrative autonomy and internal ANC factionalism.

The author contends that 'partial Europeanisation' has undermined national sovereignty without creating a functional European alternative, fueling populist movements. To resolve this, the document proposes a transition from a hybrid 'sui generis' entity to a sovereign European state with a monopoly on the use of force, a common budget of at least 15% of Eurozone GDP, and a fully democratised legislative process where the European Parliament holds the right of legislative initiative.

The author contends that the EU's political elite, characterized as older white males, have ignored the needs of the youth, resulting in extreme unemployment and poverty rates, particularly in Southern Europe. This systemic exclusion has fueled a wave of political activism and voting shifts across Europe, driving both progressive movements like Spain's 15M and the rise of extremist or nationalist parties. The text warns that the future of European integration depends on whether leaders begin to include young people in decision-making processes.

The report examines the 2015 crisis in Burundi, arguing that while President Pierre Nkurunziza's attempt to secure an unconstitutional third term was the immediate trigger, the situation was underpinned by a long history of government intransigence, systemic repression of the opposition, and corruption. It details the CNDD-FDD's strategy of consolidating power through the 'nyakurisation' method of dividing opposition parties and the use of legislative tools to restrict civil liberties. The document also analyzes the internal fractures within the ruling party, the failure of the Arusha Agreement's power-sharing framework, and the subsequent violent crackdown on protestors, the media, and civil society following a failed coup attempt in May 2015.

The author contends that while Jeremy Corbyn's leadership restores left-wing politics to the UK Labour Party, it does not eclipse the Green Party. The author distinguishes between the 'left-right' political spectrum and the 'ecology spectrum,' arguing that Corbyn's support for coal-mining in South Wales and airport expansion in London demonstrates a commitment to 'outdated grey politics' and economic growth that contradicts ecological necessity. The text suggests that the Green Party's unique value lies in prioritizing planetary boundaries and land reform over the 'unreconstructed socialist industrial productivism' associated with Corbyn and certain trade unions.

The author criticizes the EU's handling of the Greek debt crisis and the refugee crisis as evidence of a failure in solidarity, driven by a 'neoliberal size fits all' approach. The text calls for the Green party to move beyond a defensive, reformist stance and develop a clear vision for a federal Europe capable of addressing global challenges and internal imbalances.

The document analyzes the 2015 Spanish municipal elections, specifically the rise of 'citizen convergence' lists that integrated political parties, civil society, and independent activists. These movements, stemming from the 'Guanyem' initiative in Barcelona and influenced by the 15-M movement, sought 'democratic regeneration' through horizontal organization, open primaries, and codes of ethics. The author highlights the role of the green party EQUO in incorporating ecological policies—such as sustainable urban development and energy efficiency—into these agendas. The results showed significant success in cities like Barcelona, A Coruña, and Santiago de Compostela, suggesting a shift toward a more plural political cycle based on cooperation rather than the hegemonic strategies used by parties like Podemos.

This collection of reports and interviews analyzes contemporary European resistance movements, focusing on struggles against extractive industries, infrastructure mega-projects, and economic austerity. It highlights specific cases in Romania, Greece, Scotland, France, and Turkey, while discussing the systemic role of the educated middle class in mobilization. The text argues that Green parties must reconnect with their radical roots and form transversal alliances with social movements to challenge the dominant neoliberal economic model and the 'sacredness of growth'.

The 2015 Nigerian election saw the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) defeat the incumbent People's Democratic Party (PDP), a result attributed to better APC organization, widespread dissatisfaction with the PDP's handling of security and the economy, and technological improvements in the electoral process. The author argues that President-elect Muhammadu Buhari must prioritize combating Boko Haram, addressing potential instability in the oil-producing Delta region, and implementing anti-corruption measures to restore public confidence and attract global investment. Key economic recommendations include boosting agriculture, improving electricity supply, and passing the Petroleum Industries Bill to reform the oil sector.

The briefing examines the precarious state of elections in West Africa in 2015, highlighting how insurgency in Nigeria, constitutional disputes in Togo, electoral list controversies in Benin, fragile security in Côte d’Ivoire, funding gaps in Burkina Faso, and the Ebola crisis in Guinea threaten the legitimacy and stability of the democratic process.

The paper critiques the 'liberal peace paradigm' in Africa, suggesting that external peacebuilding often reinforces autocratic governance by focusing on state-building and technical capacity rather than addressing systemic inequality and patronage networks. It argues that current conflicts are driven by the collective denial of individual rights to maintain power configurations, and that peacebuilding must shift toward a rights-based approach to be effective.

The briefing examines the rapid rise of Podemos in Spain, analyzing its positions on corruption, inequality, democracy, and European policy, while highlighting its influence on traditional left-wing parties and the strategic challenge it poses to ecological parties in Southern Europe.

The document examines the political vacuum created by the departure of Blaise Compaoré, who served as both a mediator and a source of instability in West Africa for 27 years. It analyzes his specific influence in Togo, Côte d’Ivoire, and Mali, as well as his role in negotiating the release of Western hostages from Islamist groups in the Sahel. The author suggests that while no single leader can replace Compaoré's personal networks, his exit provides an opportunity for ECOWAS to strengthen its institutional conflict resolution mechanisms.

The author describes a shift in the climate movement following the failure of the 2009 Copenhagen summit, noting the emergence of a 'green, circular economy' and decentralized energy projects. It urges Green parties to represent these citizen-led demands—specifically the abandonment of fossil fuels and the increase of renewable energy—during the run-up to COP 21 in Paris to ensure that alternative, sustainable models become the political norm.

The research paper examines the political strategy of RENAMO and its leader Afonso Dhlakama in Mozambique following the 2014 elections. It argues that RENAMO has shifted from electoral politics toward a strategy of 'brinkmanship' and guerrilla warfare to secure political concessions and a Government of National Unity (GNU), drawing parallels to post-election settlements in Kenya and Zimbabwe. While this approach restored RENAMO's political fortunes and secured reforms to election management bodies, the author notes that international observers viewed the 2014 elections as generally free and fair, potentially undermining RENAMO's bid for international mediation and a forced power-sharing agreement.

Benoît Lechat discusses the need to broaden the social appeal of ecological policies in Europe, critiquing the 'liberal-productivism' that dominates the EU and the 'ascetic' or 'expertocratic' image of Green parties. He analyzes the electoral stabilization of Green parties following the May 2014 European elections, noting gains in Sweden and Austria but declines in France and Belgium. Using the theories of Etienne Balibar, Alain Lipietz, and Ulrich Beck, Lechat argues that climate change must be treated as a strict social issue rather than a niche environmental one. He specifically reflects on the decline of the Belgian party Ecolo, attributing its loss of voters to problematic coalitions with the PS, mismanagement of photovoltaic green certificates, and resistance to wind energy development in Wallonia.

Benoit Lechat discusses the need to expand the social base of ecological politics in Europe, analyzing the 2014 European election results and the ideological barriers posed by neoliberalism and 'liberal productivism'.