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The research paper examines 'Africa+1' summits—high-level meetings between African nations and a single external power—as a strategic arena for geopolitical influence. It traces the evolution from early French-led summits to a 'second generation' involving Asian powers like Japan, China, India, and Turkey, and more recent engagement from Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, and Italy. The author argues that Africa's demographic growth and critical mineral wealth have increased its strategic value, allowing African states to exercise greater agency by leveraging rivalries between global powers. However, the document critiques the summit format as often being performative and asymmetric, noting a gap between multi-billion-dollar pledges and tangible results. It highlights proposals for reform, such as unified AU representation, to move toward more equitable partnerships.

The document examines how Norway, as a small state, navigated a challenging geopolitical environment to maintain the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in the UN Security Council. It highlights Norway's use of coalition-building, its presidency, and civil society engagement to secure WPS language in mandates and increase the number of women briefing the Council, despite resistance from permanent members like Russia and China.

The document analyzes the African Group's engagement at the UN Human Rights Council, noting a tension between a desire for regional leadership and a tendency to grant accused governments veto power over resolutions. While some 'human rights-friendly' states consistently support country-specific resolutions, others systematically abstain or oppose them, leading to an uneven response to crises across the continent and globally.

The document examines the tension between the 'green growth' agenda promoted by developed nations and Brazil's preference for 'sustainable development' and autonomous industrialisation. It argues that while Brazil possesses significant environmental assets, its domestic policies—including those of the BNDES and Petrobras—continue to prioritise short-term economic growth and fossil fuel consumption over a green transition. Internationally, Brazil aligns with BRICS and other emerging economies to resist binding emissions commitments and protectionist 'green' trade barriers, despite its own voluntary GHG reduction targets.

The document examines Brazil's shift in foreign policy from traditional non-intervention toward a more active role in UN peacekeeping and the development of the 'Responsibility while Protecting' (RwP) concept. It argues that these diplomatic shifts are driven by Brazil's ambition to secure a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. The author analyzes the practical application of 'non-indifference' in Haiti and the theoretical framework of RwP, which emerged as a response to perceived excesses in the 2011 military intervention in Libya. The paper concludes that RwP is a refinement of the existing 'Responsibility to Protect' (RtoP) framework, focusing on the accountability and monitoring of those authorized to use force.

The COP18 summit in Doha resulted in incremental progress, primarily the agreement of a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol (KP2) from 2013 to 2020. While the EU and several other nations committed to an average emission reduction of 18% below 1990 levels, major emitters including the US, China, Russia, Japan, Canada, and New Zealand did not approve or opposed the commitment. The summit failed to establish a concrete roadmap for the $100 billion annual climate finance target for 2020, though it introduced a new agreement to establish an international mechanism for "loss and damage" by COP19. The document highlights ongoing tensions regarding the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC) and the dispute over "hot air" carbon credits, particularly involving Poland and the EU.

Australia and New Zealand are increasing their diplomatic and economic engagement with the African Union and African nations. Australia is leveraging its experience in mining, agriculture, and forestry, while New Zealand focuses on agriculture and peace operations. Both nations are seeking support from African states for non-permanent seats on the UN Security Council, with Australia campaigning for the 2013-14 term and New Zealand for the 2015-16 term.

The document examines the tensions in France's Africa policy, noting a pattern of maintaining ties with authoritarian leaders in countries such as Chad and Gabon despite promises of reform. It highlights the specific diplomatic friction between France and South Africa over the recognition of Alassane Ouattara's presidential victory in Côte d’Ivoire, contrasting France's recognition with South Africa's call for compromise.

The Cancun Climate Summit is characterized as a moderate success that restored faith in the multilateral process following the Copenhagen summit. Key outcomes included the first official UN agreement to keep global temperature increases below 2°C, the recognition of voluntary emission reduction plans for 2020, and the establishment of financial mechanisms for developing countries, including a 30 billion dollar transfer for 2010-2012 and the creation of the Green Climate Fund. While the summit made progress on measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) and forest protection (REDD+), it left the decision on a second Kyoto Protocol period to the 2011 Durban summit. The authors attribute the success to the leadership of the Mexican government and the UNFCCC Executive Secretary.

The research paper examines the complexities of the China-Africa relationship, highlighting the tension between massive Chinese investment and growing African concerns over colonial-style economic structures, labor standards, and environmental impacts. It identifies four conceptual roles China plays in Africa—as a face of globalisation, a development model, a mirror for the West, and a responsible stakeholder—and argues that the sustainability of the partnership depends on Africa's ability to manage these dynamics and China's adherence to international standards.

The 6th WTO Ministerial Conference in Hong Kong resulted in a modest agreement that failed to achieve a major breakthrough on core issues. While some technical progress was made in agriculture and NAMA, and some flexibilities were granted to Least Developed Countries (LDCs), significant fault lines remain. The author argues that the EU is the primary obstacle to progress due to its reluctance to make substantial agricultural concessions, while simultaneously pressuring developing countries for greater market access in industrial goods and services.

The document evaluates China's pledges to reduce carbon intensity and increase non-fossil fuel energy use by 2020, arguing these goals are achievable but require policies beyond 'business as usual'. It highlights the importance of a new biannual emissions reporting system and advocates for sustained U.S.-China bilateral cooperation in clean energy research and technology deployment.