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The document asserts that Canada is falling behind its 2030 and 2035 emissions targets and should utilize Internationally Transferred Mitigation Outcomes (ITMOs) to achieve cost-effective reductions. It suggests that Canada can leverage its strengths in methane detection, clean electricity, and carbon removal technologies to create bilateral agreements, similar to Japan's Joint Crediting Mechanism (JCM). The report warns that simple liquefied natural gas (LNG) export deals are unlikely to meet strict Article 6 additionality requirements and recommends establishing a national coordination mechanism to integrate climate finance with trade and sustainable development goals in the Global South.

The document argues for a shift from the 'compensation' model of carbon offsetting to a 'contribution' model known as beyond value chain mitigation (BVCM). It examines several climate impact funds—including 1% for the Planet, Frontier, and Milkywire—finding that while they generally support high-impact climate action and avoid misleading neutrality claims, there is a systemic need for clearer BVCM metrics and more explicit guidance on corporate claims to prevent greenwashing.

The report evaluates the IMO Net-Zero Framework (NZF), a hybrid measure combining a GHG Fuel Intensity (GFI) standard with a two-tier carbon pricing system. It concludes that the NZF is likely to result in modest emission reductions of 10-15% by 2030, falling short of the 1.5°C-compatible requirement of a 45% cut. The analysis highlights a weak effective carbon price of approximately USD 10–15/tCO₂eq, which is insufficient to make zero-emission fuels competitive and risks locking in fossil LNG. Revenue generation is projected to be limited (around USD 15 billion annually), significantly lower than a high flat levy scenario. The report also examines the distributional impacts, noting that SIDS and LDCs may not receive sufficient funding, and proposes integration pathways for the EU to maintain its climate ambition while participating in the global scheme.

The study argues that climate disinformation in the Global South is not a digital accident but a reactivation of 'colonial logics of mediated authority.' By analyzing 200 social media posts and socio-cultural indices across eleven former British colonies in Africa, the author develops a 'Model of Indirect Epistemic Domination.' This model posits that disinformation achieves legitimacy by using trusted intermediaries—such as religious leaders and social media influencers—to frame climate falsehoods as indigenous truths. Statistical analysis reveals that religiosity and media access are the strongest predictors of susceptibility to climate disinformation, while formal education and trust in science do not provide significant protection.

The document argues that Colombia's previous renewable energy auctions, which focused exclusively on price, led to social conflicts and project cancellations, particularly in La Guajira. It proposes a new framework incorporating non-price criteria—such as local employment, community benefit-sharing, and gender perspectives—into qualification and award processes. Additionally, it suggests creating a dedicated support agency and a 'joining process' (proceso de adhesión) to enable small-scale community energy projects (up to 5 MW) to access the market without competing directly with large developers.

The report finds that international reporting of military greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions is generally poor, with significant under-reporting in data submitted to the UNFCCC. A comparison of five top military spenders showed that defence ministry reports for direct emissions were, on average, 95% higher than UNFCCC figures. The report highlights a critical lack of Scope 3 (supply-chain) reporting, noting that less than 10% of military carbon footprints typically appear in UNFCCC data. It identifies systemic loopholes in reporting guidelines and instances of 'greenwashing,' specifically by the UK military, and recommends mandatory, explicit military emissions reporting within National Inventory Reports.

The report highlights a systemic lack of transparent and consistent data on oil accidents across the 35 nations of the Americas. While Brazil, Canada, and the United States provide the most regular open data, significant gaps remain regarding the severity of impacts, fatalities, and responsible parties. The document emphasizes that this data scarcity obscures the true scale of environmental and social risks, particularly in sensitive regions like the Amazon, where aging infrastructure and operational failures continue to cause significant spills.

The document examines the critical backlogs in interconnection queues in the U.S. and UK, where over 2,500 GW and 750 GW of generation and storage are awaiting connection, respectively. It details a shared shift toward 'first ready, first served' principles, utilizing cluster study approaches and stricter financial requirements to eliminate speculative projects. However, it highlights a key divergence: while the U.S. generally maintains an open-access model based on readiness, the UK's 'first ready and needed, first connected' approach allows the government to prioritize resources that align with national policy targets. The primer also notes the emergence of hybrid models in constrained U.S. regions like California, where the CAISO uses a 'first ready, first scored' system to align connections with state resource plans.

In 2025 Q3, US utility resource plans showed increasing projected electricity demand and emissions, with many utilities delaying fossil plant retirements to ensure resource adequacy. Load growth is primarily driven by large loads like data centers, while the phase-out of federal renewable tax credits and MISO regulatory changes have led to reduced wind and solar plans and increased reliance on gas capacity. Current IRP projections indicate a significant gap between planned emissions reductions and the net-zero targets required by 2035 for climate alignment.

The report analyzes governance and democracy across seven Southern African nations, highlighting a gap between policy frameworks and actual implementation. It emphasizes the critical role of civil society organizations (CSOs) as intermediaries and the necessity of freedom of expression for national stability, while noting that CSOs face increasing political and financial threats.

In the first half of 2025, China, India, the EU, and the US accounted for 63% of global electricity demand and 64% of CO2 emissions. China and India saw declines in fossil fuel generation as clean energy growth outpaced demand, with China contributing 55% of global solar and 82% of global wind growth. Conversely, the US experienced a rise in emissions as solar and wind growth failed to keep pace with demand, leading to a 17% increase in coal generation. In the EU, strong solar growth was offset by declines in wind and hydro due to poor weather conditions, resulting in a 14% increase in gas generation and a 4.8% rise in power sector emissions.

In the first half of 2025, global solar and wind generation grew sufficiently to meet and exceed total electricity demand growth, leading to renewables overtaking coal in the global electricity mix for the first time. Solar generation saw record absolute growth, while total fossil fuel generation declined slightly. Consequently, global CO2 emissions from the power sector fell marginally by 0.2%, although results varied by region, with emissions decreasing in China and India but increasing in the US and EU.

In the first half of 2025, global solar and wind generation grew sufficiently to exceed total electricity demand growth, leading to renewables overtaking coal's share of the global electricity mix for the first time on record. While China and India saw declines in fossil fuel generation and emissions, the US and EU experienced increases due to demand growth outpacing clean energy in the US and unfavorable weather affecting wind and hydro in the EU.

Spain has significantly lowered its wholesale electricity prices by decoupling them from volatile fossil fuel costs through the expansion of wind and solar capacity. In the first half of 2025, Spain's wholesale prices were 32% lower than the EU average, with the share of hours where prices were tied to gas costs dropping from 75% in 2019 to 19% in 2025. However, a blackout on April 28, 2025, led to a 'reinforced mode' of grid operation that increased reliance on gas for stability services. This resulted in the cost of grid balancing doubling in May 2025 and renewable curtailment tripling from 1.8% to 7.2% between May and July 2025. The report highlights a lag in investment in battery storage and grid-enhancing technologies, noting that Spain's 120 MW battery fleet is only the 13th largest in Europe despite being the 4th largest power market. To address this, Spain is implementing reforms, including adding eight synchronous compensators to the mainland grid and expanding its battery storage pipeline.

The report examines the 'renaissance' of green industrial policy, defining it as government intervention to achieve environmental goals alongside economic growth. Through case studies of China, the US, the EU, Canada, Brazil, and South Korea, it highlights a shift toward interventionism driven by climate urgency and geopolitical rivalry. The authors argue that while these policies can accelerate decarbonization and lower technology costs globally, they risk increasing international inequality, creating market distortions, and triggering trade conflicts, particularly for developing nations with limited fiscal capacity.

The report analyzes climate disinformation in French and Brazilian mainstream media, finding that in France, disinformation is systemic and often linked to political and economic interests, while in Brazil, it manifests as a strategic 'invisibilization' of environmental issues driven by the agribusiness sector. It recommends strengthening media regulation, improving journalist training, and integrating disinformation detection into emergency response systems for extreme weather events.

The report analyzes climate disinformation in French and Brazilian mainstream media, finding that while France sees a high volume of structured disinformation narratives—particularly regarding energy and mobility—Brazil experiences a 'media invisibility' of environmental issues driven by agribusiness and political influence. It highlights the role of public broadcasting as a bulwark in France and warns that disinformation during extreme weather events can undermine emergency responses. The authors recommend strengthening media regulation, improving journalist training, and institutionalizing semi-automated disinformation detection systems.

The document analyzes the governance trajectories of Nigeria and South Africa through the lens of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). While both nations have established democratic frameworks and seen some progress, the author finds that stagnation or regression persists in critical areas. In Nigeria, challenges include electoral trust, corruption, and insecurity driven by Boko Haram. In South Africa, the focus is on extreme inequality, xenophobia, and the failure to fully realize the 'liberal democratic Republic' envisioned in its constitution. Both countries struggle with poor policy implementation and gender-based violence.

The document examines the shortcomings of Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), noting their tendency toward techno-economic framing and donor-driven agendas. It proposes South-South cooperation (SSC) as a vital alternative that leverages shared socio-economic challenges and peer learning to foster more inclusive, justice-centred transitions. Using South Africa and Colombia as case studies, the brief identifies specific opportunities for collaboration in mine closure, green industrialization, and institutional coordination to move beyond one-size-fits-all models.

The report examines the evolution of state governance in the Global South, utilizing World Bank governance indicators and four global scenarios (Growth, Sustainable, Divided, and War) to project potential outcomes. It highlights a critical gap between political participation and institutional performance, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America, and warns of the systemic risks posed by rising debt, digital divides, and climate vulnerability. The analysis suggests that future state legitimacy will shift from procedural norms toward tangible performance and hybrid governance models that integrate traditional and non-state authorities.