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The author argues that EU financial reforms since 2008 are a cyclical response to public anger rather than a structural paradigm shift. While the CRDIV package, the Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM), and the Bank Recovery and Resolution Directive (BRRD) represent progress, the document highlights critical gaps: the lack of a binding leverage ratio, insufficient transparency and accountability for the European Central Bank, and loopholes allowing 'preventive' public recapitalisation of banks. Regarding derivatives, the author contends that the EMIR and MiFID II frameworks may be counterproductive, potentially creating new 'too big to fail' risks through central counterparties and failing to effectively limit speculation in commodity markets. The paper concludes that the EU relies too heavily on transparency and needs a radical shift toward simpler, more stringent rules, such as the mandatory separation of high-risk banking activities.

This collection of articles from the Green European Journal examines the instability of the current financial system, the risks posed by fossil fuel asset bubbles, and the need for a 'green' economic transition. It critiques the role of private bank money creation, the impact of austerity in the EU periphery, and the influence of banking lobbies on regulation, while proposing alternatives such as sovereign money, debt jubilees, and mandatory climate risk accounting for financial institutions.

The document examines the 'sustainability of democracy,' exploring how representative systems can be reformed to address ecological challenges and the rights of future generations. It analyzes the role of Green political foundations as bridges between civil society and state institutions, critiques the 'short-termism' of current political cycles, and presents various democratic experiments—such as the Finnish Citizens' Initiative and the Green Primary—as pathways toward a more participatory and post-national European democracy.

The text advocates for degrowth to counter ecological collapse and social inequality, proposing a shift from GDP-driven growth to a model based on an Unconditional Autonomy Allowance (UAA). This UAA would provide non-monetary drawing rights on resources and local currencies rather than standard monetary allocations. The authors suggest three implementation scenarios: leveraging existing local alternatives, reducing working time to share labour, or establishing a basic income coupled with a Maximum Acceptable Income (MAI) and debt cancellation. The goal is to relocate production locally to make environmental and social externalities visible and to transition from 'recession by necessity' to 'degrowth by choice'.

The authors argue that while the Green finance policy plan was technically sound and based on party consensus, its overly technocratic communication and focus on numbers over vision led to electoral losses. They contend that the party failed to link tax proposals to a broader Green economic vision, such as the Green New Deal, and failed to motivate key social groups or counter negative campaigning from opponents. The text concludes that future campaigns must prioritize a positive, value-driven narrative and clearly articulate the macroeconomic benefits of green investments to avoid being perceived as mere 'number-crunchers'.

The Convivialist Manifesto advocates for an 'art of living together' based on principles of common humanity, sociality, and individuation to replace the current global order. It argues that humanity faces self-destructive 'entropical' and 'anthropogenic' threats due to the unlimited accumulation of power and a failure to manage rivalry and violence. The manifesto calls for a transition toward 'prosperity without growth,' the implementation of maximum and minimum wages to curb extreme wealth and deprivation, and a restorative relationship with nature where humanity gives back as much as it takes.

The author contends that the EU is abandoning government procurement (GP) as a fundamental industrial policy tool in favor of a neo-liberal model based on international competition and non-discrimination. While the EU pushes for openness to third countries and supports WTO rulings that restrict the use of local content requirements, some Member States, such as France and Italy, continue to use GP to incentivize renewable energy and domestic photovoltaic sectors. The text highlights a conflict between the EU's commitment to the Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) and the needs of national governments to foster innovative sectors and create jobs during economic crises.

The document advocates for a 'Renaissance of Industry for a Sustainable Europe' (RISE) strategy, asserting that Europe's industrial competitiveness depends on a low-carbon transformation. The author proposes a four-pillar approach: an innovation and efficiency offensive (including energy efficiency feed-in tariffs and expanded ecodesign legislation), increased investment in R&D, leveraging the internal market for green demand, and enhancing workforce skills in STEM and vocational training. The author criticizes current EU financial frameworks for cutting strategic research and SME funding while calling for a specific 'Southern RISE' strategy to integrate Southern European economies into global value chains.

The authors critique current European economic strategies as failing socially and environmentally, advocating instead for a 'green conversion' of industry. Drawing on the 1970s Lucas Aerospace and LIP factory examples, they propose shifting production from energy-intensive consumption to resilient products through worker-led innovation and democratic work organization. The paper suggests implementing 'Ecological Enterprise Zones' in post-industrial areas of Britain and refocusing EU convergence funding to support circular economies and social ownership, arguing that moving away from corporate profit-driven models is essential for achieving a sustainable, low-energy economy.

The author expresses skepticism that current green technologies, such as renewables and electric vehicles, can drive a 'Green Industrial Revolution' (GIR) similar to the steam engine or electricity. While the potential market for energy services is substantial, the author argues that these technologies are unlikely to produce the drastic direct productivity gains (price drops) or the profound indirect economic reorganizations necessary to stimulate a decades-long growth wave. Instead, the author suggests that significant growth would require either hypothetical technological breakthroughs or 'techno-autonomous' reorganizations like the functionality economy.

The document proposes the 'Reindustrialization of Industry in a Sustainable Europe' (RISE) strategy to transition the European Union toward a low-carbon economy. It argues that industrial competitiveness is dependent on this transition and suggests specific measures including innovative financing for energy efficiency, legislative ecodesign, increased R&D investment, and the integration of Southern European economies into the single market. The author criticizes current EU financial frameworks for cutting strategic areas like SMEs and research while continuing to fund projects like the ITER fusion reactor.

The document examines the tension between the European Union's commitment to neoliberal public procurement rules and the need for strategic industrial policies to foster innovation and green energy. It highlights how the EU's adherence to international trade agreements, such as the GPA and GATT, limits the ability of member states to use local content requirements to stimulate domestic industries. The author contrasts the EU's approach with that of the US, Japan, and emerging economies like Brazil and China, who more aggressively use public procurement to support national industrial goals. A key example provided is the WTO dispute over Ontario's feed-in tariffs, where the Appellate Body's restrictive interpretation of 'public purpose' further limited the use of procurement for public policy goals. Despite this, some EU member states, such as France and Italy, have implemented local production requirements for photovoltaic energy to support their domestic sectors.

The document proposes the RISE strategy to revitalize European industry by focusing on energy and resource efficiency, green technologies, and innovation. It argues that industrial competitiveness is impossible without a low-carbon transformation and criticizes current EU budget cuts in strategic sectors like Horizon 2020 and COSME. The author suggests specific financial mechanisms, such as feed-in tariffs for energy efficiency and eco-efficient loans, alongside legislative measures like ecodesign to reduce energy imports and costs.

The author contends that de-industrialisation is not a viable path to ecological goals, as industry is essential for financing welfare states, creating sustainable jobs, and providing the technology needed for the energy transition. The text advocates for a European industrial policy that internalises environmental costs via carbon pricing and ecotaxation, while ensuring social inclusiveness to overcome political resistance from carbon and nuclear lobbies.

The text advocates for 'convivialism' as a necessary alternative to current global social and economic organization, which it views as potentially self-destructive. It proposes a framework based on four core principles—common humanity, common sociality, individuation, and controlled opposition—to guide moral, political, ecological, and economic decisions. Key proposals include the implementation of a basic income for the poor and a maximum income for the wealthy, a shift toward 'prosperity without growth', and the relocalization of activities to preserve the environment and social bonds.

The Compendio del Manifiesto Convivialista argues that humanity's technical and material wealth has not increased happiness and instead threatens survival through 'entropic' and 'anthropic' threats. It proposes 'convivialism'—an art of living together that prioritizes social relations and nature over the accumulation of power. The manifesto outlines a doctrinal minimum based on four principles: common humanity, common sociality, individuation, and controlled creative opposition. It advocates for a 'prosperity without growth,' the establishment of minimum and maximum incomes to curb extreme inequality, and a reciprocal relationship with nature where humans return as much as they take. The text calls for the localization of economies and the elimination of unemployment to counter the destructive dynamics of globalization.

Following an electoral defeat on 22 September, the author outlines ten theses to guide the German Greens through a process of strategic clarification. The author argues that the party's failures were not merely technical but rooted in 'profound conceptual paradoxes and ambiguities', particularly regarding the lack of a distinctive answer to the social question and the absence of a robust 'Energiewende 2.0'. The document calls for a shift away from 'lifestylish-vague' politics toward solid proposals for green industrial policy, public infrastructure investment, and a clearer relationship between ecology and society.

The author argues that the German Green Party's 2013 election campaign failed because it ignored its core strengths—specifically the environment and the Energiewende—in favor of a social justice agenda that lacked credibility. The text further criticizes the party and the Berlin political establishment for avoiding a genuine debate on the European Union and the Euro zone crisis, which created a political vacuum filled by the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Additionally, the author notes the negative impact of a scandal regarding the party's historical stance on the decriminalization of sexual activities between children and adults.

The document asserts that five years after the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy, EU banking regulation remains inadequate, allowing banks to maintain high leverage and permitting the growth of derivatives markets. It attributes this failure to the influence of the financial lobby on EU decision-makers and proposes a reform agenda including a Financial Transaction Tax, higher bank buffers, the break-up of 'too big to fail' banks, and personal liability for financial crimes.

The author contends that the TTIP agreement will harm countries in the Global South, specifically citing risks to Mexico's clothing industry and citrus exports from South Africa, Egypt, and Morocco. The text argues that the primary goal of TTIP is for the EU and USA to establish global standards and maintain economic dominance, potentially forcing other nations to accept unfavorable terms or splitting the world into competing trade blocs. This process is viewed as a move away from the transparent, multilateral trade order established after World War II.