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Remarks delivered on July 8, 2021, by the APRM Secretariat on behalf of the Country Coordination Unit for Zimbabwe during the Zimbabwe APRM Popular Sensitisation (ZAPS) Civil Society Validation Workshop. The text emphasizes the critical role of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process to enhance accountability and influence governance policies in Zimbabwe.

The document identifies high interest rates, information asymmetry, and legislative contradictions as primary obstacles to agricultural finance in Malawi. It argues that risk perceptions among commercial banks and a lack of formal identification for rural farmers create a 'market for lemons' failure. Proposed solutions include the adoption of mobile money, the creation of a national ID system, and the use of the Personal Property Security Act to allow movable assets as collateral.

The document analyzes the role of renewable energy in the Southern African mining sector, highlighting how energy instability and the high cost of diesel generators drive mining firms toward hybrid and private renewable solutions. While South Africa faces challenges from a reliance on coal and potential 'bridging' fuels like shale gas and nuclear power, the declining cost of solar and wind technologies, supported by the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Programme (REIPPPP), offers a viable path to reduce operating costs and increase energy security.

The report examines the barriers to regional economic integration within SADC, highlighting that despite political commitments and tariff reductions, non-tariff barriers, high transport costs, and regulatory uncertainty persist. It argues that a thriving private sector is essential for economic growth and that overcoming these constraints requires political capital to implement reforms against vested interests. Through various case studies, the document details specific issues such as border delays at Beit Bridge, restrictive visa policies affecting tourism, and the inefficiency of the NTB Monitoring Mechanism. It suggests that public-private dialogues and targeted infrastructure improvements, such as those seen in Namibia, are key to unlocking the region's economic potential.

In this address, Ebrahim Ebrahim discusses the evolving nature of global conflict, noting that climate change and resource scarcity are increasing tensions. He argues that Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development (PCRD) is often under-resourced and suggests that lasting peace requires sustained security, broad-based social participation, and home-grown solutions. He highlights South Africa's commitment to peace support through the African Union and SADC, and advocates for South-South cooperation via the G77 plus China to secure the financial resources and technology transfer necessary for effective PCRD.

The paper examines the role of ivory speculators in China, distinguishing between large criminal syndicates (Type I) and private retail investors (Type II). It argues that an indefinite ban, implemented swiftly and combined with demand-reduction campaigns, is the most effective way to trigger a 'fire sale' of stockpiles, thereby crashing prices and reducing the incentive for poaching. Conversely, a finite ban could incentivize 'banking on extinction,' where speculators drive species scarcity to maximize future monopoly rents. The authors recommend that China destroy its official stockpiles and regulate the mammoth ivory trade to prevent it from being used as a cover for laundering illegal elephant ivory.

The document finds that most African countries failed to maximize the opportunity for a green recovery following COVID-19, primarily due to a massive financing gap and a lack of mainstreaming climate action into national economic planning. While South Africa and Nigeria adopted recovery plans with green components, others like Senegal, Uganda, and Benin showed little overlap between their pandemic responses and NDCs. The author argues for reforming global development finance, implementing carbon taxes, and creating green sovereign wealth funds to bridge the gap between climate ambitions and available resources.

The paper evaluates how South Africa and Botswana have managed macroeconomic shocks, comparing their fiscal and monetary strategies. It highlights South Africa's diversified economy and inflation-targeting regime against Botswana's diamond-dependent economy and crawling peg exchange rate. The authors analyze the impact of the Global Financial Crisis, commodity price drops, and COVID-19, concluding that both nations face declining fiscal resilience due to structural constraints, debt burdens, and resource volatility.

The report examines the systemic and internal obstacles facing opposition political parties in southern Africa, highlighting how dominant-party systems, state repression, and internal fragmentation undermine democratic accountability. It analyzes specific country cases—including Botswana, Zambia, Namibia, Lesotho, Mozambique, South Africa, Mauritius, Swaziland, and Zimbabwe—to illustrate the 'politics of incumbency' and the critical need for opposition parties to engage with civil society and reform internal governance to achieve democratic consolidation.

Zanele Twala, Country Director of ActionAid International South Africa, provides feedback on the South African APRM Monitoring Project (AMP) report. She argues that the APRM should be a tool for continuous analysis of democracy and good governance rather than a technical compliance exercise. Twala expresses concern over the polarization of civil society participation between elite think tanks and grassroots organizations. Regarding the report's findings, she supports the 'Red' rating for corruption, citing a lack of whistleblower protection legislation, and argues that basic education should have received a 'Red' rating due to a national crisis. She also notes a loss of momentum in the APRM process following the transition from President Thabo Mbeki to President Zuma and highlights threats to democracy, including the Protection of Information Bill and deteriorating government-media relations.

Lesotho received an overall 'orange minus' rating, indicating that while some progress has been made in establishing legal and policy frameworks, actual implementation remains weak and activities are not clearly linked to the APRM process.

The report examines the economic relationship between South Africa and Zimbabwe, highlighting that while strong business ties persist, South African firms face significant operational hurdles. These include hyperinflation, foreign currency shortages, erratic government policy, and a shrinking domestic market. The document also notes the impact of 'quiet diplomacy' by the South African government and the resulting exposure of companies due to the lack of a signed trade and investment protection agreement.

The report examines how Chinese state-owned banks, having undergone domestic reform and international listing, are expanding into Africa. This expansion is driven by the need for resource security and the 'follow your client' model, where banks support Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and SMEs. Key mechanisms include project finance via China ExIm Bank and China Development Bank, the establishment of the China-Africa Development Fund, and strategic equity investments, such as ICBC's 20% stake in South Africa's Standard Bank.

South Africa is the largest greenhouse gas emitter in Africa, with emissions primarily driven by a coal-dependent energy sector. The country faces a strategic dilemma in balancing poverty alleviation and energy security with international pressure to reduce emissions. To navigate this, South Africa engages in multilateral alliances such as the BASIC group and IBSA to promote 'climate equity' and 'climate justice', arguing that historical polluters should bear the primary burden of mitigation. While South Africa has pledged emission cuts under the Copenhagen Accord, the document notes a gap between its international rhetoric and domestic implementation of renewable energy policies. The report suggests that South Africa and other emerging economies can collaborate on technology transfer, climate modeling, and adaptation strategies to transition toward low-carbon economies without compromising development.

The document analyzes Nigeria's economic contraction and subsequent recovery during the COVID-19 pandemic, highlighting the role of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and fiscal stimulus. It identifies critical gaps in social protection, gender-responsive policy, and fiscal buffers, while advocating for central bank independence and digital economy integration for long-term stability.

The document analyzes how COVID-19 and its containment measures slowed Uganda's GDP growth to 2.9% in FY2019/20, particularly impacting the services and industrial sectors. It details the government's expansionary responses, including reducing the central bank rate to 7%, providing tax relief to businesses, and implementing social safety nets like the Emyooga fund. While these measures stabilized the financial sector and protected some formal businesses, they contributed to a rise in public debt from $12.55 billion to $15.27 billion and increased external debt vulnerability. The paper concludes that approximately 3 million people fell into poverty due to the pandemic.

The document examines Tanzania's transition from socialist policies to a market-determined economy, noting a sustained GDP growth rate of 7% between 2010 and 2019. It analyzes how the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted this growth, causing a decline in tourism and traditional exports, while highlighting that a 'business as usual' approach helped the country avoid a recession in 2020. The paper details fiscal and monetary interventions, such as increasing health spending and lowering discount rates, and recommends further macroprudential policies and social protection to support vulnerable populations and ensure a climate-resilient recovery.

The report evaluates the fiscal responses of six African nations to the COVID-19 pandemic through a climate lens, categorising policies as green, red (unfriendly), or grey (neutral). It finds that most stimulus packages were climate neutral, with Nigeria being the only country to implement an overall green package. In contrast, Uganda's response was deemed 'red' due to investments in carbon-intensive industrial parks, and South Africa's package was neutral despite its high emissions profile. The author argues that green spending is more effective for job creation than fossil fuel investments and recommends that African governments utilise Pigouvian taxes and green financing to achieve a sustainable economic recovery.

The document analyzes Malaysia's transition from a commodity-reliant economy to a manufacturing and services hub through four phases of industrial policy: import substitution, export-oriented industrialization, heavy industry substitution, and high-technology export orientation. It argues that trade reforms were deeply entwined with the New Economic Policy (NEP) aimed at poverty eradication and restructuring society to benefit the Bumiputera community. While the reforms led to significant GDP growth and poverty reduction, the authors note that the state maintained control over strategic sectors through Government-Linked Companies (GLCs) and that growth has recently trended downward.

The document details Chile's shift from an inward-oriented import-substitution model to a highly liberalized trade regime. It covers the radical 'big bang' reforms of the military regime (1973-1989), the subsequent 'pragmatic orthodoxy' of the second trade reform, and the 'multi-track' approach adopted under democratic rule (1990-2005). The author argues that while the military regime implemented the structural shift, democratic governments provided the social legitimacy and macroeconomic stability necessary to sustain the open-economy model, leading to significant export diversification and poverty reduction.