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The report details Austria's limited historical and economic ties with Africa, noting that while North Africa maintains stronger diplomatic relations, trade and development assistance are focused on specific priority countries in East and Southern Africa. It highlights South Africa as Austria's primary African trading partner and discusses Austria's commitments to EU-Africa strategies during its 2006 EU Council presidency.

The document details Germany's shift from a marginal interest in Africa during the Cold War to a more active partnership approach starting in 1998. It highlights the transition from a 'watering can' aid model to targeted support for a limited number of countries, emphasizing poverty reduction and sustainable development. Economic ties are characterized by a concentration of foreign direct investment in Libya, Egypt, and South Africa, while political engagement includes support for the G8 Africa Action Plan and NEPAD. The report specifically examines the 'strategic partnership' with South Africa, noting significant bilateral trade and investment in the automotive and chemical sectors. It also outlines Germany's security contributions through UN-mandated operations and its internal economic challenges, such as high unemployment, which influence its international agenda.

The document outlines Italy's strategic focus on the Horn of Africa, driven by colonial history and security concerns, and its role in regional peace processes. It details Italy's development aid trends, noting a decline in real terms despite government commitments, and examines Italy's trade and investment ties across Africa, particularly with Tunisia, Libya, and South Africa.

The Netherlands maintains a foreign policy focused on internal European integration and a selective, value-added approach to African development. It is a significant global donor of Official Development Assistance (ODA), pledging at least 50% of its bilateral budget to Africa, with priority given to the Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes region. The document highlights the Netherlands' role in promoting African priorities within the EU and its long-standing historical, economic, and defense ties with South Africa.

The 'Air Aware' youth statement highlights the severe impact of air pollution on young people in Johannesburg, particularly in low-income areas like Alexandra, Soweto, and Diepsloot. It identifies waste burning, household fuel use, transport emissions, and industrial pollution as primary sources of contamination that lead to respiratory illnesses and cardiovascular strain. The document demands a transition toward health-centered air quality management, reliable waste collection to end illegal burning, clean mobility infrastructure, and the formal inclusion of youth in environmental governance to achieve a 'Vision 2030' of cleaner skies and green jobs.

This policy brief analyzes the New Development Bank's (NDB) approach to the Use of Country Systems (UCS) for infrastructure financing. It examines how the NDB leverages the public financial management (PFM) and environmental and social frameworks (ESFs) of member states to increase efficiency, while providing recommendations to mitigate financial and reputational risks as the bank expands its membership.

This policy briefing evaluates the feasibility of establishing a regional stabilisation fund for the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) to counter revenue volatility. The author argues that such a fund is inappropriate due to the differing sources and scales of revenue volatility among member states and a lack of historical precedent for regional stabilisation funds. Instead, the document recommends revising the SACU revenue-sharing formula and implementing country-level fiscal instruments.

The document outlines predictable trends and critical unknowns for the Southern African region, noting a decline in solar energy costs and increasing climate vulnerability, while questioning the pace of EV adoption, infrastructure availability, and the role of South Africa's auto-manufacturing protections.

The 'initiative for the China-Africa Think Tanks 10+10 Partnership Plan' is a statement issued in Beijing on October 22, 2013, by representatives of 16 think tanks from China and Africa. It outlines a framework for long-term academic cooperation to support the sustainable development of Sino-African relations and enhance the global discourse power of developing countries.

Ambassador-designate Chen Xiaodong describes a shift in China-Africa relations from government-led assistance to market-driven investment and trade. He highlights China's role as Africa's largest trading partner and a primary financier of infrastructure, while proposing new cooperation in the 'Fourth Industrial Revolution' and digital infrastructure. The speech also addresses COVID-19 support, debt relief for African nations, and a rejection of 'debt trap' narratives.

The report argues that mine action in Southern Africa should transition from being treated as a technical 'special initiative' to a core development activity. It recommends that national governments take greater political ownership, establish clear communication frameworks with donors, and utilize local technical expertise. The author emphasizes the need for socio-economic impact assessments to prioritize resources and suggests that the Southern African Development Community (SADC) play a more prominent political role in international forums to secure continued support for the region.

A budget vote speech delivered by the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, to the National Assembly on 31 May 2011. The speech outlines South Africa's foreign policy priorities, its role in regional and global governance, and the operational goals of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO).

This policy brief by the South African Institute of International Affairs examines the gap between the African Union's (AU) normative commitments to democracy and human rights and the actual foreign policies of its member states. The author argues that strong sovereignty norms and a state-centric approach have hindered the domestication of human rights, leading to a state of 'stasis' or reversal in several countries. The brief recommends that the AU embrace global partnerships with civil society and that pivotal states like South Africa rejuvenate human rights as a core pillar of their external engagements to ensure continental stability.

This case study examines the Walvis Bay Corridor Group (WBCG), a hybrid public-private partnership established in 2000 to facilitate trade and infrastructure development in Namibia and neighboring SADC countries. The WBCG coordinates a network of roads and rail—including the Trans-Kalahari, Trans-Caprivi, Trans-Cunene, and Trans-Oranje corridors—to connect the Port of Walvis Bay and the Port of Lüderitz to landlocked markets.

This case study, produced by the SADC Secretariat and GIZ, examines the business constraints faced by Rice Milling Company (Pvt.) Limited (RMC), a Malawi-based firm that processes rice, milk powder, and salt for local and regional markets. The document details how government regulations, infrastructure deficiencies, and skill shortages hinder RMC's export capabilities and operational efficiency within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region.

Russia maintains ties with Mozambique and Zimbabwe based on Soviet-era liberation movement relations, focusing on education, mining, and military cooperation. Zimbabwe's alignment increased during the late Mugabe era due to shared experiences with Western sanctions, while Mozambique has seen Russian involvement in fisheries, oil, and a failed intervention by the Wagner Group against Islamist insurgents.

Russia is attempting to revive historical ties with Tanzania and Zambia, focusing on military collaboration, nuclear power, and education, although many agreements have not materialized. While Zanzibar has become a destination for Russian tourists, both Tanzania and Zambia have sought debt relief from Russia to fund development.

The document assesses the state of education in Sub-Saharan Africa, noting that while progress toward Universal Primary Education (UPE) has been made, the region is unlikely to achieve this goal by 2150 at current rates. It highlights a critical lack of resources, with a need for 1 to 2 billion dollars in immediate support and an additional 3 million teachers. The report emphasizes that primary education must be complemented by secondary education, as only 25% of primary graduates currently enroll in secondary school. Key barriers identified include gender inequality, where 60% of girls in Sub-Saharan Africa were out of school in 2002, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic, which forces children to leave school to care for sick parents. The document calls for urgent curriculum reform, increased teacher salaries, and a 'zero tolerance' approach to corruption to ensure education leads to genuine economic growth.

The document contrasts the unilateral nature of AGOA, which provides duty-free market access to sub-Saharan Africa without requiring reciprocal concessions, against bilateral agreements that are more complex to negotiate but can offer better tariff concessions. It highlights that South Africa maintains a strong trade surplus with the US and notes that any future bilateral agreements would need to be negotiated through the Southern African Customs Union (SACU).

The South African Durban Youth and Children’s Protocol is a statement negotiated and agreed upon by South African youth and children during the 17th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP 17) in November 2011. The document outlines recommendations for the global community, African peers, the South African national government, and youth themselves to address climate change and environmental sustainability.