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This research paper analyzes the economic and political relations between China and Nigeria, tracing their history from post-independence hostility to intense engagement and a subsequent cooling-off period. It examines trade imbalances, the dominance of oil in Nigerian exports, and various sectoral interactions including power, rail, and finance.

This research paper discusses the necessity of integrating governance education into African universities to support national and continental development, noting a disconnect between the recognized importance of good governance and the current state of higher education infrastructure and policy focus.

The document assesses Africa's economic vulnerabilities and its limited role in global governance. It argues that while the G20 has emerged as a key coordinator for global challenges like climate change, Africa's voice is weakened by fragmented economies and colonial-era infrastructure. The author contends that Africa must increase intra-African trade and strengthen regional economic communities to earn a more significant place in world decision-making.

Deputy Minister Ebrahim discusses the necessity of consolidating an 'African Agenda' to address global common challenges, including poverty, food insecurity, and climate change. He argues for the strategic importance of South-South Co-operation and engagement with emerging powers like China, Brazil, and India to counter the dominance of Northern countries in the international system. The speech emphasizes the role of the African Union, NEPAD, and the African Economic Community in fostering regional integration and socio-economic development, while calling for the international community to honor commitments made to Africa, such as the Millennium Development Goals.

The speech marks the 75th anniversary of SAIIA, reflecting on the evolution of international affairs from state-centric relations to a complex nexus of stakeholders. It argues that think tanks in Africa face unique financial and political constraints but are critical for cultivating an informed electorate and diversifying global knowledge production. The author emphasizes that SAIIA aims to bridge the gap between research and policy to address challenges such as poverty and insecurity.

The report evaluates the EU-South Africa Strategic Partnership, highlighting its shift from a development-focused relationship to a high-level political alliance. It details cooperation across 13 pillars, including energy, science, and climate change, while noting tensions over economic partnership agreement (EPA) negotiations and sanctions on Zimbabwe.

The document examines the crisis facing higher education in Africa, characterized by overcrowding and resource scarcity, and argues that governance education is neglected in favor of technical training. It presents findings from a 2008-2009 study of eight universities, highlighting severe constraints in staffing, funding, and infrastructure. The author proposes regional cooperation and the use of ICT to overcome these barriers and better align university output with the goals of the African Union and the African Peer Review Mechanism.

The document examines China's role in Botswana's infrastructure development, noting a shift from government-led aid to competitive public tenders. It highlights the competitive advantages of Chinese firms—such as low-cost bidding and hands-on management—while addressing challenges regarding quality standards and skilled labour shortages. It also introduces a new commercial financing model involving the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China and Standard Bank for the Morupule B Power Station project.

The document examines the governance of Angola's artisanal fisheries, where approximately two-thirds of the country's fishers operate. It argues that co-operatives can bridge the gap between the state and local users, facilitating a transition from an informal to a formal sector. The author highlights the challenges posed by a legacy of top-down, socialist co-operative models and recommends a shift toward voluntary, 'bottom-up' enterprises. The paper also discusses the importance of fish for food security in Angola and the role of the Institute for the Development of Artisanal Fisheries and Aquaculture (IPA) in implementing development plans.

The China-Africa Toolkit analyzes the evolution of China's relations with Africa, focusing on trade, investment, and development cooperation. It details the shift from ideological support to economic pragmatism, the role of the Forum for China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and the specific financial instruments used by Beijing, such as the 'Angola mode' of infrastructure-for-resources deals.

The paper examines the 'resource curse'—the tendency for resource-rich countries to experience low economic growth—through centralised and decentralised political economy models. It argues that the curse is not inevitable but depends on the presence of 'impartiality-enhancing institutions' that curb favouritism and rent-seeking. The authors critique current donor initiatives, such as the EITI and Norway's Oil for Development programme, for focusing too narrowly on revenue transparency and technical capacity rather than the broader institutional reforms and societal accountability required to address the root causes of the curse.

The document examines China's strategic pursuit of resource security in Africa, primarily focusing on oil and strategic minerals. It details the 'Angola mode' of infrastructure-for-resources deals and the complex internal bureaucracy of Chinese resource diplomacy. While acknowledging positive contributions to hard infrastructure, the paper highlights concerns regarding debt sustainability, environmental degradation, and the potential for 'no strings attached' loans to undermine governance reforms in neo-patrimonial regimes.

The document analyzes the bilateral relationship between Nigeria and China, noting a shift in strategy following the transition from President Olusegun Obasanjo to Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. It argues that the 'oil for infrastructure' model failed due to Nigeria's electoral cycle and governance issues, leading China to adopt a lower-risk strategy of purchasing established oil companies. Despite political volatility, Chinese multinational companies continue to expand their market share in Nigeria's construction, telecommunications, and power sectors due to competitive pricing and access to state-backed credit.

The research paper argues that good governance is a prerequisite for economic development and that African universities are essential for producing competent governors. However, it finds that these institutions are plagued by declining resources, outdated curricula, and political interference. The author suggests a shift toward regional cooperation, distance learning, and the adoption of an 'African agenda' to overcome national resource constraints and improve the relevance of governance education.

The electricity sector in SACU member states is characterised by chronic capacity shortages, underdeveloped infrastructure, and a dominance of state-owned monopolies. While the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) facilitates cross-border trade, the region remains heavily dependent on South Africa's Eskom. The paper argues that the lack of cost-reflective tariffs and political reluctance to allow independent power producers (IPPs) hinder investment. It recommends a harmonised regional regulatory framework and a strategic approach to liberalisation through a mix of SADC, WTO GATS, and bilateral agreements to improve energy security and economic growth.

The document analyzes the 2009 presidential election in Gabon, arguing that Ali-Ben Bongo is likely to succeed his father, Omar Bongo, due to a fragmented opposition and the legacy of state control. It examines the role of the ruling Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG) and the Presidential Majority, noting that while the elite are contesting state power, the use of oil revenues for cooptation has historically maintained Bongo family dominance. The author suggests that the new president's ability to manage internal party defections and opposition will determine if Gabon moves toward genuine pluralism or remains a 'virtual fiefdom'.

The South African clothing and textile sector has faced significant job losses and a decline in competitiveness following the end of the Multi Fibre Agreement in 2004, which allowed China to increase its global and domestic market share. While South Africa attempted to use import quotas from 2007 to 2008, these failed to reduce total imports as retailers shifted sourcing to other low-cost Asian producers. The document argues that the sector's struggles are driven by high labour costs, low productivity, and rigidities in the unionised workforce rather than imports alone. It suggests that further trade protection is unlikely to be effective and instead recommends non-trade industrial policy tools, such as skills development and capital upgrades through the Industrial Development Corporation, alongside a strategic shift toward high-end niche export products.

The L’Aquila Summit focused on coordinating a 'green global recovery' and addressing the 2008 financial crisis. Key achievements included a G8 commitment to reduce developed country emissions by 80% or more by 2050 and the establishment of the Heiligendamm – L’Aquila Process (HAP) to formalize ties with the G5. While the summit failed to secure a global 50% emissions reduction target by 2050, it advanced agreements on food security and non-proliferation.

The document assesses the role of human rights in African international relations, arguing that while the continent has established significant monitoring bodies and ratified treaties, human rights often remain a "variable concern" subordinated to national interests and geopolitical strategies. It highlights the influence of "African solutions to African problems" in conflict resolution and the impact of China's non-interference policy as an alternative to Western conditionality. The author concludes that for human rights to be central to foreign policy, African states must develop a unified continental approach that harmonizes trade, security, and justice while adhering to agreed-upon democratic standards.

The document examines how human rights are integrated into African international relations, noting a gap between formal commitments to regional and international treaties and the practical application of these norms. It highlights how national interests, historical colonial ties, and the emergence of non-conditional economic partnerships—particularly with China—often supersede human rights considerations. The author analyzes specific cases, such as the African Union's response to the ICC warrant for Omar Al-Bashir and South Africa's diplomatic balancing act, to argue that human rights often remain a "variable concern" rather than a central pillar of foreign policy.