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The document examines the potential for BRICS nations to integrate economically and form a common currency to reduce reliance on the US dollar. It applies Optimum Currency Area (OCA) theory to the bloc, noting that while the New Development Bank (NDB) and Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) demonstrate a commitment to cooperation, significant economic heterogeneity in GDP growth, inflation, and fiscal policy remains a major hurdle. The analysis suggests that while traditional OCA criteria are not fully met, the 'new' OCA theory—which emphasises political commitment and endogenous policy harmonisation—provides a more plausible path toward a multipolar financial order.

The document examines the complementary strengths of China, as a global leader in green technology manufacturing, and Africa, which possesses vast renewable energy potential and critical mineral reserves. It highlights the shift in China's approach toward treating Africa as a business partner and details the specific clean energy commitments made during FOCAC 2024. However, it argues that Africa must enhance its own internal resource mobilization, reduce dependency on external aid, and improve project implementation timelines to fully realize these opportunities.

The document details a conference focused on the marginalization of Africa within the global economic system, specifically regarding the legacy of structural adjustment and the current lack of representative governance in international financial institutions. It identifies critical barriers to African development, including inflated risk premiums that cost the continent over $74 billion annually and the failure of the Global North to deliver over $1 trillion in promised climate financing. The report proposes a tiered reform agenda: short-term priorities include debt cancellation and increased access to Special Drawing Rights; medium-term goals focus on improving credit ratings through better data and combating illicit financial flows; and long-term goals aim for greater representation in the IMF and World Bank. Additionally, it explores the potential for Africa to leverage its natural capital and critical minerals for the energy transition, while cautioning against new dependencies on China as the world shifts toward a multipolar order.

The document examines the systemic under-supply of funding for global public goods (GPGs), such as climate mitigation and pandemic preparedness, relative to the trillions of dollars required. It analyzes current G20 initiatives and the roles of the IMF and World Bank, while discussing a proposal from the Indian Council for Research in International Economic Relations (ICRIER) to create a consolidated GPG bank. The author provides recommendations for the South African G20 presidency to lead on consolidating funding windows, establishing equitable governance, and exploring global taxes to bridge the financing gap.

The policy brief highlights the economic importance of natural capital, noting that nature's services are valued at over 1.5 times global GDP. It emphasizes that Africa, despite possessing vast resources, is the only region where natural capital per capita declined between 1995 and 2018. The authors recommend that South Africa's 2025 G20 presidency should build consensus on a definition of natural capital, address data gaps through the G20 Data Gaps Initiative, and implement a bioeconomy hub to translate the Brazilian Bioeconomy Initiative into practical investment and growth.

The policy brief examines the drivers of food insecurity in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), highlighting a 'ratchet effect' where domestic food prices remain high even as global prices fall. It attributes recent price spikes to agribusiness profiteering and financial speculation rather than supply shortages. To combat this, the author proposes the establishment of public buffer stocks, countercyclical interventions in commodity futures markets, stricter financial regulation of global commodity exchanges, and capital flow management to reduce currency volatility. The document specifically suggests that the South African G20 presidency could lead an expert review with the FAO and UNCTAD to stabilise global food prices.

The policy brief outlines how South Africa can leverage its 2025 G20 presidency and the African Union's (AU) G20 membership to promote the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) and the AfCFTA Protocol on Digital Trade. It suggests aligning these African initiatives with the G20 Roadmap for Enhancing Cross-border Payments to improve the speed, cost, and transparency of international transactions. The author recommends that South Africa champion PAPSS adoption, foster collaboration between African central banks and Afreximbank, and utilize public-private partnerships to secure funding and technical assistance from organizations like the IMF and World Bank.

The document argues that the current OECD-led international tax framework is inadequate for African nations, which lose significant revenue to illicit financial flows (IFFs) and base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS). It proposes that South Africa, during its G20 presidency, should promote the UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation as a more inclusive and democratic alternative. The author suggests several levers for the G20 to support African development, including strengthening tax rules for digital economies, enhancing financial information exchange, investing in digital infrastructure and AI for tax administration, and promoting quality infrastructure to expand the tax base.

The policy brief argues that African countries face a crisis of 'debt that is too expensive' rather than too much debt, which hinders human development and the energy transition. It proposes a Cost of Capital Commission composed of high-level experts to recommend reforms to credit rating agency methodologies, Basel III macro-prudential regulations, and the integration of natural capital and remittances into debt sustainability analyses.

The policy brief argues that the G20's Common Framework for Debt Treatments (CF) is operationally deficient, leading to protracted restructuring processes for low-income countries. It recommends that the South African G20 presidency prioritize the suspension of debt service payments upon CF requests, the expansion of climate-resilient debt clauses (CRDCs) to all low- and middle-income countries, and the creation of G20 working groups to explore market-based solutions—such as a modern 'Brady Plan'—and statutory reforms to ensure private sector participation in debt workouts.

Mr Nelson Muffuh discusses the upcoming UN Summit of the Future, emphasizing the need to 'turbocharge efforts to bring about sustainable development and combat climate change'. He argues that the current international financial architecture and the UN Security Council are failing, particularly in their response to crises in Africa. Muffuh highlights Africa's potential in renewable energy—specifically solar power in the Sahara and geothermal energy in the Rift Valley—and calls for permanent African representation with veto power on the Security Council. He positions the Summit as a catalyst for the 'Pact for the Future', which aims to advance a New Agenda for Peace, a Declaration on Future Generations, and a Global Digital Compact.

The document examines the evolution of G20 debt management, from the 2008 financial crisis to the COVID-19 pandemic, noting that global public debt reached $92 trillion in 2022. It critiques the Common Framework for Debt Treatments for slow implementation and proposes that South Africa's 2025 G20 presidency focus on strengthening this framework, establishing an African Debt Monitoring Mechanism, and enhancing debt transparency to support sustainable development goals.

The document argues that South Africa should use its 2025 G20 presidency to address IMF governance and sovereign debt issues. It suggests the IMF needs formal operating procedures for 'new' issues like climate change and gender to avoid opaque, ad hoc management. Regarding debt, it critiques the Common Framework for being too time-consuming and recommends a more holistic approach to development finance to meet climate and Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) needs.

The document examines the diplomatic, military, and economic ties between Egypt and Russia over the last decade, highlighting a shared preference for authoritarian stability and a mutual desire to balance Western influence. While cooperation has expanded in arms procurement and nuclear energy, the author contends the relationship remains transactional and flexible, as Egypt employs a strategy of diplomatic hedging to maintain ties with both Moscow and the West.

The document examines the push by BRICS nations to reform the international monetary system and reduce reliance on the US dollar, particularly in the wake of financial sanctions against Russia and Iran. It analyzes the 'BRICS Pay' platform and China's specific local currency initiatives, such as the 'Hunan Model' of barter trade with Africa. The paper also evaluates the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) as Africa's own mechanism for facilitating intra-continental trade in local currencies, noting that while it could save Africa $5 billion annually, it faces hurdles including informal cash trade and a lack of institutional trust. The author concludes that while these reforms offer a way to circumvent foreign exchange shortages, African policymakers must ensure that the US dollar is not simply replaced by other external currencies like the Chinese renminbi.

The policy brief argues that the African mining sector is hindered by political and institutional lock-ins, specifically the slow ratification of AMDC statutes. It proposes integrating strategic foresight—a systematic approach to anticipating future trends—into the AMDC's four-pillar mandate to move from reactive to proactive governance. The authors advocate for a 'foresight-led social contract' to ensure mineral wealth benefits local communities and supports the green energy transition. Key recommendations include establishing an anticipatory governance unit, reforming financial architectures to reduce debt dependency, and coordinating regional responses to transnational risks such as deep-sea mining and Global North competition.

The research paper examines the intersection of G7 initiatives, such as the Energy for Growth in Africa Initiative and the Mattei Plan, with South Africa's role as a representative for African climate priorities. It highlights the tension between Western-led green transitions and African concerns over 'green protectionism' (specifically the EU's CBAM), the need for adaptation financing based on the 'common but differentiated responsibilities' principle, and the geopolitical competition for critical minerals. The author argues that the G7 must provide concrete deliverables and respect African agency to effectively bridge its goals with South Africa's upcoming G20 presidency.

The report tracks the shift in China-Africa energy cooperation from large-scale infrastructure and thermal power projects toward 'small and beautiful' green initiatives. It highlights a growing alignment between China's commitment to stop funding overseas coal-fired projects and Africa's strategic priorities for climate finance, renewable energy access, and resilient infrastructure. While China offers technological and financial aid, the report notes that some African priorities, such as critical minerals, remain insufficiently addressed.

The document examines how the competition between the US, China, and Russia affects African states, noting a shift toward non-alignment and the diversification of international relations to avoid becoming geopolitical pawns. It argues that African agency can be strengthened by empowering the African Union (AU), leveraging the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and demanding partnerships based on mutual benefit rather than great-power rivalry. The Lobito Corridor is cited as a model where competing interests can coexist to provide tangible regional benefits.

The document examines the gap between high popular support for democracy in Africa and the low satisfaction with its actual implementation. It highlights a trend of disputed elections and popularly celebrated coups as symptoms of leadership failure and the inability of democratic systems to provide basic socio-economic rights. Using examples from Zimbabwe and Gabon, it argues that when elections fail to reflect the will of the people or improve living conditions, the stability of democratic institutions is threatened.