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The document examines Russia's transition toward a green economy, noting that while the concept is integrated into official policy, practical implementation lags. It highlights Russia's vast natural capital but criticises its inefficient resource use and extreme reliance on hydrocarbon exports. The author argues that Russia must prioritise energy efficiency and economic diversification to maintain competitiveness and ensure long-term sustainability.

The African Governance Architecture (AGA) was established in 2011 to address inefficiencies, duplication, and a 'democratic deficit' within the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs). It serves as a coordinating framework to align various treaty-monitoring bodies and norms—including the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG)—to improve compliance and citizen engagement. The AGA operates through a Platform consisting of two concentric circles of AU organs and external stakeholders, organised into five thematic clusters. A key priority is the synergy between the AGA and the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), leveraging the APRM's assessment tools while utilizing the AGA's link to binding treaty commitments. Despite milestones like the 2012 launch of the AGA Platform in Lusaka, the Secretariat faces challenges regarding inadequate human and financial resources.

The policy brief examines the impasse in negotiations for the SADC EPA, which were set to end on 1 October 2014. It identifies four primary obstacles: the EU's demand for a ban on export taxes, the restrictive nature of the Most Favoured Nation (MFN) clause, the slow activation of agricultural safeguards, and the technical complexity of rules of origin. The author proposes compromises, such as shifting the MFN clause to a percentage-based liberalisation model and inverting the burden of proof for agricultural safeguards, to ensure the agreement is politically viable and supports African industrialisation and sovereignty.

The 2013 elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe were 'first-generation' polls following violent cycles in 2007 and 2008. While both were peaceful, they differed in the scale of reform: Kenya implemented extensive judicial and security changes over two and a half years, whereas Zimbabwe had barely two months to enact minimal reforms. The document argues that excessive reliance on technology in Kenya created dangerous stand-offs, while Zimbabwe's rushed process led to a flawed voters' roll. Both cases highlight a growing resistance to Western interference in 'sovereign moments' of democratisation, particularly regarding transitional justice and the International Criminal Court.

The document examines the critical role of dryland forests in Southern Africa, highlighting their vulnerability to deforestation and climate change. It proposes a 'nexus approach' to overcome the marginalisation of the forestry sector by demonstrating its interdependencies with water, energy, and food security. The author argues that integrated landscape management and multi-sectoral policy coordination can identify win-win solutions for climate mitigation and adaptation, such as agroforestry and payment for watershed services.

The document examines how the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) challenge the BRICS nations, who have historically prioritised global financial reform and the WTO Doha Round over a collective trade strategy. It highlights a shift toward 'plurilateralism' and regionalism, noting that BRICS members are pursuing diverse regional paths, such as China's involvement in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and South Africa's focus on the COMESA-SADC-EAC tripartite FTA. For South Africa, the author identifies a critical dilemma in managing the contradictions between the EU's Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) and the US African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), recommending that South Africa leverage the TTIP negotiations to harmonise these two frameworks.

The document examines South Africa's struggle to transition from a high-carbon, coal-based energy economy to a green economy. It analyzes the role of the state-owned utility Eskom, the impact of the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPP), and various financial and regulatory incentives designed to attract private investment in renewables. The author argues that while policy signals are positive, a lack of inter-departmental coordination and the entrenched nature of the minerals-energy complex hinder the transition.

This research paper examines South Africa's use of economic statecraft and economic diplomacy in its relations with Zimbabwe and Swaziland, analyzing the country's reluctance to leverage economic power to promote democratic reform and human rights in these neighboring states.

This research paper evaluates the African Union's (AU) role in promoting democratic values in Africa through an electoral lens, arguing that while AU declarations have positively influenced the electoral landscape, elections remain a weak point in the continent's democratisation process.

The paper examines the shifting landscape of Africa's extractive sector, noting the rise of emerging economies like China and Brazil and the increasing pressure on companies to demonstrate social and developmental obligations. It suggests that European firms can gain a competitive edge by embracing local processing, reskilling workers affected by mechanization, and improving transparency. Furthermore, it discusses how a projected decline in EU material demand by 2030 could shift global supply chains and allow for more technical, less geo-economic cooperation between the EU and Africa.

The paper finds that Nigeria's trade with BRICS is heavily skewed toward crude oil exports and manufactured imports, with China and South Africa playing the most significant roles in driving Nigerian GDP growth through imports and exports, respectively.

The paper argues that South Africa's regional policy exhibits an inconsistent and weak linkage between its stated normative values and its economic diplomacy. While South Africa positions itself as a normative leader in Africa, its historical ties to liberation movements and a focus on regional state-building have limited its use of economic resources as tools for political reform. The author concludes that South Africa has not integrated its economic drivers with its normative drivers, often failing to sacrifice economic interests to defend the political anchors of its external identity.

The policy brief examines the emerging architecture of extractive governance in Africa, focusing on the Africa Mining Vision (AMV) and its implementing agency, the African Minerals Development Centre (AMDC). It highlights a critical gap between the economic contributions of the mining and oil sectors and the local socio-economic realities. The author argues that for these home-grown initiatives to succeed, they must leverage research from institutions like SAIIA's Governance of Africa's Resources Programme (GARP), coordinate better to avoid duplication with other bodies like the AfDB's African Natural Resources Centre, and form strategic partnerships with established global mechanisms such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) and the Kimberley Process (KP).

The policy brief examines the critical role of dryland forests in Africa, which cover 61% of the continent and support 60% of its population. It argues that these ecosystems are chronically undervalued in national economic planning and suffer from a history of centralized management that alienated rural communities. The author contends that sustainable management requires devolving rights and responsibilities to the local level, legally entrenching community tenure, and investing in the real economic value of non-timber forest products to ensure conservation is more profitable than degradation.

The document examines the role of artisanal gold mining in Zimbabwe as a tool for poverty alleviation and economic growth, while highlighting severe governance failures. It argues that the current state-led approach of criminalisation has failed to address environmental degradation, smuggling, and conflict between artisanal and commercial miners. The authors recommend formalising the sector through clearer land rights, competitive gold pricing to discourage smuggling, and partnerships between small-scale and large-scale operators to improve productivity and environmental compliance.

The document evaluates the African Union's (AU) efforts to promote democracy through electoral perspectives, arguing that while AU declarations have positively influenced the electoral landscape, elections often remain 'democratic liabilities' rather than assets. It identifies key setbacks including the resurgence of military coups, tenure elongation (the 'third term agenda'), and the refusal of incumbents to concede power. The author critiques AU election monitoring for being undermined by poor field coverage, a short-term focus on election-day events, and a tendency to be less critical of incumbents seeking re-election. The paper concludes that AU reports lack legal force and often conflict with domestic observer findings, necessitating a shift toward long-term monitoring and stronger collaboration with local civil society.

The document argues that South Africa has been reluctant to use its economic power to push for democratic reforms in Zimbabwe and Swaziland, preferring a policy of 'quiet diplomacy' and non-interference. This approach is driven by realpolitik concerns regarding regional stability, personal ties between political elites, and a desire to avoid being perceived as a hegemon. While South Africa's foreign policy officially commits to human rights and democracy, the author finds a disconnect in implementation, noting that economic diplomacy is primarily used for domestic wealth aggregation rather than as a tool for political influence. The paper suggests that South Africa could more effectively advance its agenda by integrating economic statecraft into its foreign policy, potentially through public sector financial institutions or the reformulation of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) revenue-sharing formula.

The interior of Southern Africa faces severe climate impacts, including temperature increases of up to 6°C by 2100, which threaten dryland forests. These ecosystems, comprising Miombo and Kalahari Woodland biomes, are already degraded by land-use changes and over-use. The author argues that current SADC forestry policies are too sector-based and lack specific adaptation guidance for dryland forests. To build resilience, the document recommends a shift toward Ecosystem-based Adaptation (EbA), full-cost accounting of natural capital, and the creation of landscape connectivity to allow species migration. It emphasizes the role of community-based management and the use of non-timber forest products as socio-economic safety nets for the millions of people dependent on these forests.

The document argues that South Africa's mining competitiveness is declining, as evidenced by its 64th place ranking in the 2013 Fraser Institute Survey. It highlights a shift toward partnerships between Chinese state-owned enterprises and the South African Industrial Development Corporation (IDC), such as the acquisition of Palabora Mining Company. The author warns that these opaque arrangements may favor 'predators'—politically connected opportunists—over 'producers' who adhere to the rule of law, potentially leading to revenue mismanagement and asset stripping.

The document argues that African countries must integrate an ecosystem-based approach into economic planning to protect natural assets from pressures like population growth and extractive industries. It advocates for the use of ecological accounting and natural asset pricing to quantify the economic value of ecosystems, which often exceeds the value of their conversion for mining or farming. The brief recommends a multi-level governance system—combining national interdisciplinary coordination with local community co-management—and the adoption of innovative financing like Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) and Blue Carbon frameworks. It emphasizes the need for rigorous environmental impact assessments (EIAs) and scientific spatial mapping to guide conservation priorities and regulate development in sensitive areas.