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The South African beef industry is characterized by a split between commercial and communal production, with a supply chain that is largely vertically integrated. While South Africa is a net importer of beef, imports decreased by 36% between 2012 and 2013, increasing self-sufficiency. Key export markets include Mozambique and Europe, with high growth potential identified in Kuwait, the UAE, and the Seychelles, while Australia remains the primary source of imports.

The document examines the 'crisis of integration' facing Africa's youth, utilizing African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) reports from 16 countries. It identifies a critical mismatch between education systems and economic needs, where high graduation rates in humanities contrast with low rates in science and agriculture. This leads to widespread underemployment and 'waithood,' where young people are unable to achieve adult independence. While this exclusion can fuel crime, political instability, and recruitment into insurgent groups like Boko Haram, the author also highlights a strong entrepreneurial drive and a growing trend of political activism among the youth. The paper argues that state-led interventions are often hampered by capacity constraints and recommends partnerships with non-governmental bodies and a shift toward vocational and technical training.

The document examines a long-standing boundary dispute between Malawi and Tanzania, which escalated in 2012 due to the discovery of potential oil reserves. It analyzes the failure of formal legal mechanisms, such as the SADC Tribunal, and the limitations of current preventive diplomacy tools within SADC and the African Union, arguing that a lack of political will and funding hampers regional conflict resolution.

The document examines the AICO scheme's role in developing the ASEAN automotive sector and assesses whether a similar model could work in SADC. It identifies South Africa as the regional automotive leader but notes that integration is currently one-sided. Key barriers in SADC include low market demand, infrastructure bottlenecks, and a lack of indigenous industry outside South Africa. The author suggests that SADC can move toward integration by leveraging South Africa's expertise, focusing on specific vehicle segments, and developing aftermarket production as a starting point.

The New Development Bank (NDB) was established by the BRICS nations to address infrastructure funding deficits in emerging economies and to challenge the dominance of traditional international financial institutions. With an initial subscribed capital of $50 billion and a maximum authorised capital of $100 billion, the bank aims to provide a more equitable alternative to the World Bank and IMF. Initial lending, starting in the second quarter of 2016, is expected to focus on renewable energy projects, including wind, solar, and hydro power, while excluding nuclear energy. The NDB intends to distinguish itself through faster project approval cycles, lending in local currencies to mitigate exchange risks, and a commitment to avoid political conditions on its loans.

The EU-Turkey deal, implemented in March 2016, aimed to reduce irregular arrivals by establishing a 'one in, one out' resettlement formula for Syrian refugees. While the author notes the deal and accompanying border closures in Eastern and South Eastern Europe have successfully deterred arrivals, this has come at a high humanitarian cost. Refugees are now stranded in squalid conditions in Greece, Macedonia, and Serbia, or are forced onto more dangerous smuggling routes, including the Libya-Italy crossing. The author argues that the deal may undermine the international principle of 'non-refoulement' and that the EU's focus on deterrence has created a 'homemade humanitarian crisis'.

The research paper examines the alignment between South Africa's stated foreign policy goal of 'Africa's centrality' and the actual expenditure of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO). It finds that South Africa's normative goal of deepening engagement in Africa is generally matched by its resource deployment, with significant spending directed toward strategic economies like Nigeria, Angola, and Ethiopia. Despite budget reductions in 2016 necessitating the closure of non-essential missions, the document argues that diplomatic engagement remains vital for defending national interests and enhancing international prestige.

The document assesses the adoption and effectiveness of youth policies across Africa, highlighting a lag in adoption compared to global trends. It identifies critical failures in data collection, policy design, and state implementation capacity, while noting successes in creating youth representative bodies. The author argues that for youth policies to succeed, they must be evidence-based, realistic regarding state capacity, and supported by partnerships with non-state actors.

The paper argues that the New Development Bank (NDB) lacks a clear, shared definition of sustainable development and suggests that South Africa could lead the BRICS group in establishing a holistic framework. Drawing on stakeholder interviews and international best practices, the authors recommend that the NDB prioritize social and environmental safeguards, move away from coal and extractive industries, and establish formal dialogue mechanisms with civil society to ensure transparency and pro-poor outcomes.

The paper investigates the impact of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) on governance in Africa by comparing Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) scores between 2003 and 2015 for reviewed members, non-reviewed members, and non-members. It finds that while APRM members generally performed better than non-members, there is no significant difference in progress between those who underwent a full review and those who merely joined. The author suggests this indicates a 'self-selection' bias where states already inclined toward reform join the APRM, rather than the mechanism itself causing the improvement. The paper also notes a trend where economic and corporate governance gains often occur alongside stagnant or declining political freedoms, specifically citing Rwanda and Mali as contrasting case studies.

This research paper examines land governance in Africa, highlighting the tension between formal statutory systems and customary informal arrangements, and argues that improving state capacity is essential for establishing productive land governance.

The South African Institute of International Affairs welcomes the Constitutional Court's March 2016 ruling, asserting that it transcends the specific issue of presidential residence upgrades to reaffirm the preeminence of the rule of law and the separation of powers. The statement emphasizes that independent constitutional bodies, specifically the Public Protector, are vital for providing a voice to the poor and marginalised in a society where litigation is prohibitively expensive.

The paper estimates that Chinese financiers provided US$86.3 billion to African governments and state-owned enterprises between 2000 and 2014, a figure lower than many common beliefs. The authors argue that Chinese lending is driven by business interests—specifically generating construction contracts for Chinese firms—rather than a primary desire to secure natural resources. While transportation and energy are the largest sectors receiving funds, approximately one-third of the loans are secured by commodities or exports to mitigate risk in unstable environments. The authors warn that while a debt crisis has not yet occurred, rising debt levels and the unlikely nature of policy bank debt cancellation pose future risks.

The document examines the complexities of land tenure in Africa, highlighting the tension between customary and statutory systems. It argues that while formal titling is a long-term goal, the immediate priority should be adapting informal systems to provide legal security, improving state administrative capacity, and addressing gender-based barriers to land ownership to foster economic development and reduce conflict.

The document examines Botswana's CBNRM policy, which aims to reduce poverty and promote biodiversity by involving local communities in wildlife management. It highlights the tension between centralised state control and local devolution, the financial impact of the 2014 hunting moratorium, and the role of joint venture partnerships with private operators. Through case studies of the Chobe Enclave Conservation Trust (CECT) and the Okavango Community Trust (OCT), the paper identifies issues with revenue transparency, human-wildlife conflict, and limited local capacity, ultimately recommending improved governance, diversified economic activities, and stronger legislative support.

The document examines the Antarctic Treaty (1959) and its ancillary agreements, such as the Madrid Protocol, which prohibit mineral exploitation until at least 2048. It analyzes how emerging powers like China, India, and Brazil are increasing their scientific presence to gain political influence. The paper details South Africa's historical role as a founding member and its current focus on science, while arguing that South Africa should integrate its Antarctic activities more deeply into its broader foreign policy and the 'Africa Agenda' to promote a more inclusive global governance regime.

This research paper analyzes the state of constitutionalism and civil liberties across Africa by examining African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) Country Review Reports for 12 countries. It categorizes these nations based on Freedom House rankings and identifies systemic challenges to freedom, including executive dominance and securitization.

The 2016 Ugandan general elections resulted in a victory for President Museveni with 60.75% of the vote, a result widely anticipated by observers. The process was characterized by violent rhetoric from both the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and the opposition, as well as the house arrest of main opposition leaders. While civil society had campaigned for substantive reforms to the Electoral Commission and legislation since 2013, the author notes that only 'cosmetic alterations' were made. The Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) found that shortcomings in the process undermined 'electoral integrity'. Despite these irregularities and high youth unemployment (estimated at 64% for those aged 18-30), the electorate remained largely peaceful, suggesting a prioritization of stability over the belligerent campaign style of opposition leader Besigye.

The report examines 'constitutional liberalism' in Africa, focusing on the gap between formal democratic structures and the actual protection of civil liberties. Using APRM data and Freedom House rankings, it categorizes countries as 'free', 'partly free', or 'not free', identifying executive dominance, securitisation, and administrative dysfunction as primary barriers to freedom.

The author contends that the Doha Development Round is 'dead' following the Nairobi Ministerial, a failure attributed to a shift in global power from a US-led hegemony toward a multipolar system including China and India. To prevent the fragmentation of the multilateral trading system caused by 'megaregional trade agreements', the paper suggests moving away from the 'single undertaking rule' and the 'consensus principle'. Instead, it proposes a 'plurilateral' approach where smaller interest groups negotiate sectoral agreements and link regional deals to the WTO dispute settlement mechanism. The author specifically urges emerging economies like South Africa to embrace plurilaterals to advance their trade interests, noting that the traditional North-South divide has been replaced by more complex interests, with countries like China, Brazil, and India now also utilizing agricultural subsidies.