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The report examines the socioeconomic impacts of industrial decline and evaluates the effectiveness of various transition responses. It argues that successful 'just' transitions require early strategic planning, multi-stakeholder governance, and a holistic approach to regional economic development that builds on existing local capabilities rather than seeking a single industrial replacement. Through case studies in the US, UK, Australia, and South Africa, the document highlights the risks of uneven benefit distribution, the importance of reskilling over simple monetary compensation, and the necessity of addressing environmental legacies to enable land reuse.

The briefing argues that contemporary national populists in Europe employ a systematic strategy to capture the state by eroding liberal norms, dominating the information space, and subordinating the judiciary and civil service. By treating the government as a 'contractor' for a national majority, these movements justify the removal of institutional restraints to concentrate power in the executive. The author details a multi-stage assault involving 'trolling', 'building' parallel infrastructures, and 'automating' disinformation to create a facade of democracy while maintaining an effective monopoly on power.

The policy brief critiques the South African government's 'risk-adjusted' strategy for reopening the economy during the COVID-19 pandemic, arguing that it prioritizes business profitability over worker safety and ignores the impact of deep social inequalities. The authors propose a 'well-being economy' framework that treats health and economic performance as intertwined. Key recommendations include democratizing the return to work through worker oversight, implementing a universal basic income guarantee, expanding social infrastructure in townships, and reversing austerity measures in the national budget to provide a genuine rescue package for the most vulnerable.

In the first half of 2020, renewable electricity generation in the EU-27 reached 40%, surpassing fossil fuel generation at 34%. This shift was driven by record wind and solar penetration and a 7% drop in electricity demand caused by COVID-19. Coal generation fell by 32%, contributing to a 23% reduction in power sector CO2 emissions. While grids remained stable, the increase in renewables led to more frequent negative wholesale electricity prices, indicating a need for greater system flexibility. Poland emerged as the most coal-dependent EU country, generating as much coal-fired electricity as the other 25 EU members combined.

The document asserts that National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs) are essential for the EU to achieve its 2030 climate targets and the goals of the European Green Deal. It notes that current measures are insufficient to meet the 40% greenhouse gas reduction target and that the COVID-19 pandemic has delayed policymaking and plan submissions in several member states. The author calls for higher ambition, better policy coherence, and increased stakeholder involvement to ensure a green recovery and climate neutrality by 2050.

The document argues that EU deep-sea fish populations are depleted or under-assessed and that current management fails to meet the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) objective of ending overfishing. It recommends that fishing limits be based on the best available scientific advice, specifically urging the reintroduction of Total Allowable Catches (TACs) for stocks where they were removed, and setting zero TACs for orange roughy, red seabream in area 6-8, and deep-sea sharks.

The authors contend that the EU suffers from diffuse accountability and a 'double deadlock' caused by a reliance on closed-door Franco-German agreements. They argue that Germany's role as a 'benevolent hegemon' is problematic because Berlin seeks to minimize costs and maximize control over debtor states while remaining reluctant to fully embrace its power. The text suggests that the only way to break this impasse is through 'transnational politics'—the creation of shifting alliances across national borders and the engagement of civil society—to replace the current 'constructive ambiguity' of European diplomacy.

The report details how private equity firms continue to acquire coal assets in the US, India, the Philippines, and Europe, often facing financial failure or environmental criticism. While US coal consumption dropped 44% since 2010 and utilities plan to retire dozens of plants by 2025, firms like KKR, Blackstone, and Macquarie have pursued coal investments that have resulted in bankruptcies or increased emissions. The document highlights a disconnect between the global need to reduce coal for the Paris Agreement and the investment strategies of private equity, especially as the COVID-19 pandemic further reduces energy demand.

The We Mean Business coalition calls on governments to integrate climate action into economic recovery plans following the Covid-19 pandemic. Citing support from over 700 businesses, the statement advocates for prioritizing investments in clean power, electric mobility, zero-carbon infrastructure, and nature-based solutions to avoid future systemic shocks and create a sustainable labour market.

The research argues that energy transitions are social and gendered processes, often dominated by male perspectives. By applying an Alternative Pathways framework—categorized into on-stream, off-stream, and transformative pathways—the study examines the impact of excluding women's perspectives in the oil sands of Canada, large-scale renewables in Kenya, and the shift to renewables in Spain, concluding that such exclusions lead to pathways disconnected from local realities and slower sustainable transitions.

The authors contend that EU stimulus plans must prioritize a zero-carbon future to avoid exacerbating climate risks. They highlight broad business support for this transition, citing various corporate coalitions and analysis suggesting that green projects offer higher short-term returns and more job creation than traditional stimulus. The statement calls for the strengthening of the European Green Deal, specifically targeting a 2030 emissions reduction of at least 55%, and recommends targeted investments in green infrastructure, innovation, and workforce reskilling.

The manifesto argues that the economic stimulus packages designed to mitigate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic should be aligned with sustainability and biodiversity policies. It advocates for a 'Green Recovery' based on the European Green Deal's pillars of digitalization, decarbonization, and resilience. The signatories, representing a broad coalition of politicians, academics, business leaders, and NGOs, urge the Spanish government and the Congressional Commission for the Reconstruction of Spain to adopt a sustainable recovery model, noting that Spain is well-positioned for this transition due to its renewable energy potential and industrial capacity.

The statement argues that the economic recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic must be steered toward a sustainable, healthy, and resilient model. It supports the Green Recovery Alliance's approach, which aligns economic stimulus with the European Green Deal and focuses on digitalization, decarbonization, and resilience. The document highlights Spain's specific potential for this transition through its renewable energy capacity and natural capital, and calls for a broad alliance between political parties, businesses, unions, and NGOs to implement science-based recovery measures.

The document examines the climate impact of the European Central Bank's (ECB) asset purchase programs, specifically the Corporate Sector Purchase Programme (CSPP) and the Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme (PEPP). It highlights a significant lack of transparency regarding the value of held assets and argues that the ECB's 'market neutrality' principle results in a portfolio heavily weighted toward carbon-intensive sectors. The report identifies 38 fossil fuel companies in the ECB's portfolio, including 10 linked to coal and several majors like Shell, Total, and Eni. It concludes with recommendations for the ECB to exclude companies without 1.5°C-aligned exit plans and to adopt a 'brown taxonomy' to better target asset purchases.

The report analyzes the ECB's corporate asset purchase programs (CSPP and PEPP), finding that they provide significant financial support to companies active in coal, oil, and gas. It criticizes the ECB's lack of transparency regarding asset values and argues that the principle of 'market neutrality' creates an anti-climate bias by favoring carbon-intensive sectors. The author recommends that the ECB exclude fossil fuel companies without phase-out plans and align its monetary policy with the 1.5°C trajectory of the Paris Agreement.

The document identifies three primary transmission modes for SARS-CoV-2: direct physical contact, intermediate inanimate objects, and respiratory droplets or aerosols. It highlights that fine particles (<10 µm) can reach pulmonary alveoli, while larger droplets (>100 µm) contribute primarily to contact transmission. Environmental factors such as low temperatures and specific relative humidity levels are noted to increase virus survival, while solar ultraviolet radiation acts as a natural virucide. The report discusses correlations between high levels of atmospheric pollutants, such as NO2 and PM2.5, and increased COVID-19 mortality and incidence in regions including Northern Italy, Spain, China, and the United States, suggesting that pollution may predispose individuals to more severe infections.

The document identifies three primary transmission routes for SARS-CoV-2: direct physical contact, intermediate inanimate objects, and respiratory droplets or aerosols. It highlights that indoor environments significantly increase contagion risk and that climatic factors like low temperature and specific relative humidity levels can enhance virus survival. A substantial portion of the text examines the correlation between air pollution—specifically NO2 and PM2.5—and increased COVID-19 mortality and incidence in regions such as Northern Italy, Spain, China, and the US. It also discusses the potential role of global warming in altering transmission patterns through changes in human behavior and animal migration.

The report advocates for a mandatory deposit return system (DRS) in Austria to achieve EU targets of a 90% collection rate for single-use plastic bottles by 2029 and a 30% recycled content rate by 2030. It identifies a 'plastic pollution lobby'—including Altstoff Recycling Austria (ARA), major retailers like REWE, Spar, Hofer, and Lidl, and various beverage producers—that opposes the DRS to protect existing financial interests and market positions. The document highlights that a DRS is the most cost-effective method for high-quality recycling and is supported by 83% of the Austrian public, contrasting this with the current system where only 25% of plastic packaging is recycled.

The report argues that a deposit return system (DRS) is the most cost-effective and environmentally sound method for Austria to achieve the EU's target of collecting 90% of plastic bottles by 2029. It identifies a powerful coalition—led by Altstoff Recycling Austria (ARA) and including major retailers like REWE Group, Spar, Hofer, and Lidl, as well as beverage companies—that is lobbying the Austrian government against a DRS to protect licensing fee revenues and market dominance. The document highlights that 83% of Austrians support a DRS and rebuts industry claims that current collection rates are sufficient or that a DRS would be too expensive.

The document argues that the rapid government action and public support seen during the COVID-19 crisis provide a momentum that should be used to implement long-term green recovery strategies rather than short-term fixes. It emphasizes the need for a clear EU-wide dimension to investments to lower finance costs and suggests that recovery packages must prioritize social equity and local self-sufficiency to reduce vulnerability. The paper highlights the importance of defining 'green' across different sectors and suggests that cooperation on technology transfers and intellectual property, similar to WHO initiatives during the pandemic, should be applied to climate and clean energy action. It also notes the tension between EU reindustrialization and the needs of the Global South, as well as the geopolitical implications for Border Carbon Adjustment proposals.