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The report estimates that the total annual cost of cleaning packaging litter in Spain for 2019 ranged from €496 million to €744 million. This includes street cleaning costs between €477 million and €603 million, and beach cleaning costs between €21 million and €141 million. The analysis uses a hybrid weight-and-volume approach to attribute costs, noting that beverage containers represent a significant portion of the expense, particularly in tourist-heavy areas.

The report argues that Ecoembes and Ecovidrio, the dominant waste management systems in Spain, use their monopoly power and lobbying to prevent the adoption of a mandatory Deposit Return System (SDDR). It highlights that these organizations benefit financially from increased plastic packaging volume, creating a conflict of interest that hinders EU recycling targets. The document also criticizes major supermarkets like Mercadona for opposing the SDDR and promotes the legislative progress in the Balearic Islands as a model for the rest of the country.

The report argues that Spain's plastic waste management is dominated by monopolies like Ecoembes and Ecovidrio, whose business models profit from increased plastic packaging, leading them to lobby against effective solutions like DRS. It highlights the financial burden of litter clean-up on taxpayers, estimated at up to €744 million annually, and criticises retailers for their lack of transparency and opposition to mandatory reforms. While some regions like the Balearic Islands are implementing ambitious laws, the report warns that the Spanish government remains susceptible to industry lobbying, which threatens the country's ability to meet EU targets for separate collection and recycled content by 2030.

The brief warns that funding for blue hydrogen may conflict with Canada's goals to phase out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 and reach net-zero by 2050. It recommends that subsidies for hydrogen based on natural gas without significant carbon capture and storage be ineligible for assistance, and that blue hydrogen only receive support if it matches the environmental performance and cost of green hydrogen.

The document analyzes the private sector's engagement with sustainable development, moving from a history of disinformation and lobbying against regulation to a current landscape of sustainability pledges and impact investing. It argues that while 'greening' existing systems is valuable, true sustainability requires a shift toward 'regenerative equity' through Sustainability-Oriented Hybrid Organizations (SOHOs) that prioritize people and nature over profit-driven growth.

The author analyzes how neoliberalism and the 'tertiarization' of the Spanish economy—specifically the dominance of tourism—have fueled regional inequalities and the rise of peripheral nationalisms. The text argues that the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated these tensions by exposing the fragility of the tourism-dependent model. To mitigate future conflicts and the impacts of climate change, the author proposes a transition toward a 'degrowth' model, emphasizing the revival of organic agriculture in the interior, the promotion of green industries, and the potential reorganization of Spain into a federal state.

Reclaim Finance evaluates Santander's February 2021 policy updates, noting a commitment to 0% thermal coal mining exposure by 2030 and new exclusions for unconventional oil and gas. However, the organization argues these measures are 'too little too late,' citing a high 10% revenue threshold for coal power exclusions and a lack of immediate exclusion criteria for existing coal developers, which allowed the bank to channel $5.7bn to 25 coal companies between 2018 and 2020.

The document argues that the 21st century is defined by a conflict between capital and the biosphere, exacerbated by the Anthropocene and mass species extinction. It proposes a post-pandemic recovery for Europe based on three pillars: protecting biodiversity to ensure human health, valuing the local through the care economy and localized supply chains, and accelerating an energy transition to reduce dependence and redistribute wealth. The author emphasizes that sustainability requires a change in the social model and a shift from a culture of vehicle ownership to shared services, while warning against 'greenwashed' solutions and austerity.

The report highlights the critical link between the fast-fashion business model and the extraction of fossil fuels, noting that polyester is found in over half of all textiles. It warns that synthetic fibre production is projected to grow to 73% of total global fibre production by 2030, significantly increasing greenhouse gas emissions. The document dismisses current recycling efforts as a 'red herring' because less than 1% of clothes are recycled into new clothes, and most recycled polyester comes from plastic bottles rather than garments. It concludes that voluntary industry commitments are insufficient and calls for urgent legislative action, such as the EU strategy for textiles, to decouple fashion from fossil fuels and mandate producer responsibility.

The document examines Canada's approach to the hydrogen economy, specifically the tension between supporting 'blue hydrogen' (fossil fuel-based with carbon capture) and 'green hydrogen' (renewable-based). It argues that blue hydrogen is less environmentally effective due to methane leaks and high costs of carbon capture and storage (CCS), and is likely to be out-competed by green hydrogen by 2030. The author contends that subsidies for blue hydrogen constitute fossil fuel subsidies that undermine Canada's climate goals and net-zero 2050 target, recommending strict environmental and cost criteria for any public funding.

The document analyzes the private sector's complex relationship with sustainable development, noting a history of corporate disinformation and lobbying against environmental regulations. It identifies three primary modes of engagement: active obstruction, partnership with governments to implement Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and the emergence of 'Sustainability-Oriented Hybrid Organizations' (SOHOs) that prioritize regenerative equity over profit. The author argues that while impact investing and 'greening' existing systems are valuable, they may be insufficient to achieve absolute decoupling of growth from emissions, recommending that policymakers support systemic transformations and SOHOs.

In 2020, renewables generated 38% of the EU's electricity, surpassing fossil-fired generation (37%) for the first time. This shift was driven primarily by wind and solar, while coal generation fell by 20% to 13% of the total mix. However, the report notes that the transition remains too slow to meet 2030 and 2050 climate targets, as gas generation remains high and nuclear output saw a record 10% decline.

The paper explores 'Buen Vivir', an indigenous-rooted concept from Latin America that challenges anthropocentrism and infinite economic growth. It examines the concept's formal introduction into EU-Latin American relations via a 2015 EuroLat resolution and contrasts it with the 'Green Economy' and 'European Green Deal', which the authors argue maintain a growth-centric logic. While governmental adoption in Europe remains limited, the text identifies local 'post-developmentalist' practices in countries like Spain, Greece, and the Netherlands—such as agroecology and the recognition of nature's rights—as aligned with Buen Vivir principles.

The author contends that the economic crisis caused by COVID-19 presents a unique opportunity for Spain to replace its unsustainable productive model with one based on environmental sustainability and social justice. By utilizing the EU's Next Generation funds and the European Green Deal, Spain can pursue a 'just transition' that mitigates the adverse effects of closing polluting industries, such as coal mines, while creating new employment in renewable energy and energy efficiency. The document highlights Spain's progress through the National Integrated Energy and Climate Plan (PNIEC) 2021-2030 and the establishment of 'Just Transition Agreements' in regions like Asturias and León, asserting that decarbonization can lead to a net gain in employment.

ClientEarth argues that EU State aid rules must be transformed into sustainability instruments that prohibit support for fossil fuels and harmful biomass, while prioritizing energy efficiency and renewable energy. The document calls for the strict application of the 'Energy Efficiency First' principle, the exclusion of low-carbon (fossil gas-based) hydrogen from subsidies, and the removal of aid for high-efficiency combined heat and power (CHP) plants. It further recommends increasing support for energy communities, zero-emission vehicles, and energy efficiency in buildings, while introducing a 'greenwashing test' to ensure the environmental integrity of aid beneficiaries.

The report examines Spain's SIGCPI system, a digital tool introduced in 2010 to manage fish import requests and digitise catch certificate (CC) data. While SIGCPI allows for 100% documentary checks of CCs and processing statements (PS), it lacks automated risk analysis and connectivity with other EU Member States, leaving a gap where the same CC could be used for multiple imports across different countries. The document recommends that Spain voluntarily adopt the EU's CATCH system, built on TRACES.NT, to enable EU-wide data cross-referencing and standardised risk analysis, thereby reducing fraud and IUU fishing.

The report finds that Spain has generally maintained steady progress in implementing the EU IUU Regulation, particularly in catch certificate verification and risk assessment. However, it notes a concerning decline in the number of refused imports and a lack of progress in the prosecution of IUU fishing activities.

In 2020, renewables became the EU's primary electricity source for the first time, generating 38% of electricity. While wind and solar growth remained robust despite the pandemic, the report argues that deployment must nearly triple to meet 2030 Green Deal targets. Coal generation fell by 20% in 2020, though this decline was partially offset by increased gas generation and a record 10% drop in nuclear output. Consequently, Europe's electricity carbon intensity fell to 226 grams of CO2 per kilowatt-hour in 2020, a 29% reduction since 2015.

The report provides a comprehensive overview of European CO2 storage capacity, highlighting the North Sea Basin and the Norwegian shelf as the most prospective areas. It details storage potentials in saline aquifers, hydrocarbon fields, and storage reservoirs across various European regions, while also mapping stationary emission sources, noting that power generation is the dominant emitting sector.

The report analyzes how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated existing disparities in health, wealth, and power, specifically highlighting 'vaccine apartheid' and the failure of multi-stakeholder governance. It critiques the reliance on private sector solutions for public crises and advocates for transformative policies, including the waiver of intellectual property rights for vaccines, progressive tax reforms, and the strengthening of universal public services to ensure a just recovery.