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India's engagement with Africa has evolved from a post-colonial focus on decolonisation and non-alignment to a pragmatic 'enlightened national interest' approach. This modern strategy is driven by India's need for energy security, specifically crude petroleum, and its ambition for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Trade has grown significantly, with bilateral trade reaching $39 billion in 2008–09, and Indian investment has expanded across hydrocarbons, mining, agriculture, and ICT. India continues to support African capacity building through the ITEC programme and the Pan-African e-network project, aiming to marry its traditional idealistic goals with contemporary economic and strategic needs.

The report examines the state of ICT and Internet policy in West Africa, highlighting the transition from state-led telecommunications to private-sector-driven growth. It details a survey conducted across seven West African countries and Kenya, which reveals overwhelming support for national multi-stakeholder Internet governance forums (IGFs). The findings emphasize that while mobile penetration has grown rapidly, significant gaps remain in broadband access, digital literacy, and regional interconnectivity. The document argues for a holistic policy approach that integrates Internet governance with sustainable development goals, including environmental stewardship and e-governance, while advocating for a shift from top-down government control to inclusive, multi-stakeholder dialogue.

The document presents results from a pilot study of 177 armed conflict actors in 20 African countries. It finds that sexual violence is often indiscriminate, frequently committed by state armies, and can persist in post-conflict periods or years with low killing rates. The study emphasizes that sexual violence is not an inevitable part of war, as many actors do not engage in it, and recommends improved reporting mechanisms and targeted interventions to reduce its occurrence.

The communiqué from the July 2010 Kampala conference identifies critical areas for improving the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Key recommendations include the urgent need to fill the vacant CEO position of the APRM Secretariat, the integration of National Programmes of Action (NPOA) into national budgeting and planning, and the requirement for National Governing Councils to maintain institutional independence with a non-executive majority. The document emphasizes that while twelve countries had completed reviews by 2010, the pace of accession and execution remains slow, urging all 53 African states to join the mechanism.

The policy brief examines the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP), a pan-African framework designed to improve food security and environmental resilience. While international support has surged—including a $1 billion implementation fund and G8 commitments—the document highlights a critical gap in African leadership and policy capacity. It argues that without strengthening the expertise of those managing the policy process, Africa cannot fully optimise this support to achieve its target of 6% annual agricultural growth. The brief also notes that CAADP's inclusive structure provides a more legitimate and durable governance model for agricultural research and development (ARD) than previous programmes.

The World Bank is criticized as a major climate polluter that uses its role in climate finance to maintain developed country control over developing nations. Despite its rhetoric, the Bank continues to fund carbon-intensive projects, such as a $3.75 billion coal plant loan to South Africa, and promotes flawed carbon offsetting and forest conservation schemes. The report contrasts the World Bank's donor-controlled Climate Investment Funds (CIFs) with the more equitable, grant-based UNFCCC Adaptation Fund, calling for a transition to a Global Climate Fund accountable to the Conference of Parties.

The paper examines fossil-fuel subsidy reforms in France, Ghana, and Senegal, concluding that while no single formula for success exists, effective reform relies on six key strategies: articulating clear objectives, building coherent policies with stakeholder support, persistent implementation, continuous monitoring and adjustment, and preventing policy backsliding.

The report argues that fossil-fuel subsidies lock economies into carbon reliance, exacerbate greenhouse gas emissions, and divert funds from social services. It concludes that while reform is politically difficult due to interest group influence and administrative path dependence, it would lead to aggregate GDP increases and significant CO2 reductions. The document emphasizes that transparency—both through improved national accounting and a new international reporting regime—is essential for successful de-subsidization. It provides a framework for reform based on research, clear objectives, coherent policy design, and the prevention of backsliding through independent pricing bodies.

The document examines the growth of a Chinese retail community in Dakar, Senegal, since the late 1990s. It details how Chinese migrants, many former employees of Henan Construction, occupied the residential area of Le Centenaire by renting front yards from financially struggling Senegalese civil servants. This created a commercial hub that provided affordable goods to the local population but sparked conflict with established Senegalese retailers, leading to a major strike in 2004. The paper highlights the disconnect between these independent retailers and the Chinese embassy, the emergence of a parallel informal market of Senegalese 'table retailers', and the eventual creation of an independent Chinese chamber of commerce to manage community interests.

The report examines how trade liberalization in Southern Africa has produced mixed results for women, often exacerbating inequalities due to a focus on market-based criteria that ignore societal imbalances. It highlights that women dominate the informal economy in sub-Saharan Africa, where they face significant national, institutional, and legal hurdles. The document argues that regional trading arrangements (RTAs) are better suited to women's needs than large export markets and recommends that RTAs formally address informal cross-border trade through supportive institutional measures and a standardized yardstick for gender sensitivity.

This fact sheet by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) traces the evolution of the sustainable development movement. It highlights a progression from early environmental warnings, such as Rachel Carson's 1962 book, through the establishment of major international frameworks like the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, to contemporary challenges including the 2008 global financial and food crises and the 2009 Copenhagen climate negotiations.

The document analyzes the African Standby Force (ASF) as a critical component of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It argues that while the ASF is designed to provide a rapid, multidimensional response to African crises—including the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—its effectiveness is severely hindered by gaps in funding, logistics, administrative capacity, and political will. The author concludes that the ASF is unlikely to meet its projected 2010 operational capabilities and will likely have a modest impact on complex conflicts in the short to medium term.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.

The document examines how participatory communication tools, specifically video and games, can bridge the information gap for the most vulnerable people affected by climate change. It highlights that treating end-users as partners in co-learning rather than target audiences improves the adoption of adaptation strategies. Case studies demonstrate that participatory video in Malawi, Nepal, and Ethiopia helped farmers and children advocate for and implement adaptation measures. Additionally, the paper discusses how games can simplify complex systems, such as probabilistic forecasts for humanitarian action in Senegal or micro-insurance concepts for farmers in Ethiopia and Malawi, to build trust and facilitate better decision-making.

The document argues that information for adaptation is not a readily available resource to be collected but must be generated through a structured process of monitoring, target setting, and progress assessment. It proposes a conceptual model that links a 'CC/CV Observatory' (data collection) to an 'Information System' (processing) and finally to decision-makers at policy and operational levels. For Africa, the author emphasizes the need for long-term time series data, which is often lacking, and suggests involving the private sector and local populations (e.g., farmers using SMS) to sustain monitoring networks. The paper highlights the OMVS Environmental Observatory in Senegal as a successful participatory model for data collection. Regarding dissemination, it suggests tailored strategies: for mitigation, targeting industry and the informal sector (such as motorcycle users and cooling technicians); for adaptation, using National Action Plans for Adaptation (NAPA) to identify vulnerable groups and employing FAO's 'Information for Action' approach to deliver actionable, language-appropriate guidance.

The report examines the barriers and opportunities for implementing life cycle costing (LCC) in sustainable public procurement (SPP). It finds that while LCC is used in some industrialized nations, its application is often non-systematic and hindered by conflicting capital and revenue budgets, a lack of procurer expertise, and data gaps. The authors argue that LCC should be integrated into high-level public expenditure policy to shift the procurement mindset from 'best value for money' at purchase to 'best value across the asset life cycle.'

The document analyzes three generations of unconstitutional power shifts in Africa, from post-independence coups to modern manipulations of term limits and 'models' of military intervention. It argues that while Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and SADC have the potential to mitigate these trends through sanctions and democratic protocols, their effectiveness is hindered by state sovereignty, inconsistent implementation of laws, and the influence of powerful regional leaders who support usurpers. The authors recommend that RECs focus on root causes—such as socioeconomic stagnation and weak institutions—and encourage the ratification of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

The document assesses the role of human rights in African international relations, arguing that while the continent has established significant monitoring bodies and ratified treaties, human rights often remain a "variable concern" subordinated to national interests and geopolitical strategies. It highlights the influence of "African solutions to African problems" in conflict resolution and the impact of China's non-interference policy as an alternative to Western conditionality. The author concludes that for human rights to be central to foreign policy, African states must develop a unified continental approach that harmonizes trade, security, and justice while adhering to agreed-upon democratic standards.

The document examines how human rights are integrated into African international relations, noting a gap between formal commitments to regional and international treaties and the practical application of these norms. It highlights how national interests, historical colonial ties, and the emergence of non-conditional economic partnerships—particularly with China—often supersede human rights considerations. The author analyzes specific cases, such as the African Union's response to the ICC warrant for Omar Al-Bashir and South Africa's diplomatic balancing act, to argue that human rights often remain a "variable concern" rather than a central pillar of foreign policy.

The report analyzes Ghana's 2008 elections as a landmark in its democratic transition, attributing the peaceful power alternation to the commitment of political actors, an independent electoral commission, and active civil society. While highlighting the shift toward a two-party system dominated by the NPP and NDC, the author notes persistent challenges including ethnic-regional voting patterns, the under-representation of women, and the potential risks associated with the discovery of oil.