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The briefing examines the failure of MONUC and the Congolese army (FARDC) to contain rebel movements in eastern DRC, highlighting allegations that MONUC provided logistical support to the FARDC during operations that benefited FDLR rebels. It details how neighboring countries—Uganda, Tanzania, and Burundi—illegally support the FDLR through gold trade, weapons supply, and recruitment. The text argues that regional agreements, such as those from the Tripartite Plus Joint Commission and the Nairobi Communiqué, are being undermined by a lack of stakeholder commitment and international failures, including the presence of FDLR leaders in Germany and France. The author calls for a comprehensive strategy to neutralize all armed groups and a reformed disarmament approach for the FDLR.

The document examines the breach of arms control systems during the Libyan conflict, specifically focusing on France and Qatar's admission of supplying arms to rebels. It highlights the failure of end-user monitoring and the potential violation of contractual obligations, noting that Qatar may have re-exported arms sourced from the US and other nations, including Swiss ammunition. The author notes the inconsistent international response and the silence of South Africa regarding these transfers despite its own claims of being a responsible arms exporter.

The report examines the challenges facing Kenya's constitutional devolution, specifically the 'unfettered power' of members of county assemblies (MCAs). It details how MCAs have used ambiguous impeachment thresholds in the Constitution and the County Government Act to blackmail county officials and engage in political extortion. The document also highlights significant financial irregularities, citing the misuse of billions of shillings in sitting allowances, travel, and vehicle purchases, while personnel emoluments far exceeded development allocations in the 2013 fiscal year. The authors call for urgent reforms to the devolution architecture and the impeachment process to prevent political elites from subverting public service delivery.

The research paper argues that land in eastern DRC has transitioned from a basis of social identity to a currency of political and economic power, fueling ethnic conflict. It details how colonial 'indirect rule' and post-colonial legislation, such as the 1973 General Property Law, created a dual system of tenure that marginalized rural populations and empowered elites. In Masisi and Ituri, this structural insecurity was manipulated by local and regional actors to trigger mass violence, with land becoming a 'resource' for warlords to consolidate power through the control of 'unfree labour'.

The document examines the demobilisation and reintegration of military personnel across various African nations, arguing that while downsizing armed forces can potentially free resources for development and serve as a confidence-building measure, the actual impact is not automatic. It highlights that high costs of resettlement and reintegration often offset short-term financial gains. The author emphasizes that successful demobilisation depends heavily on political will, the institutional environment, and the availability of sustainable economic opportunities for ex-combatants to prevent the reoccurrence of conflict.

The document summarizes closing deliberations from a conference on air power and asymmetric threats in Africa. It defines asymmetric threats as the use of innovation against conventional power, including terrorism, warlords, and transnational criminality. The text argues that African militaries must lead the debate on asymmetric warfare based on their own experiences, such as the 1994 Rwandan genocide, rather than relying on external benchmarks like 9/11. It highlights the vulnerabilities of air power, such as shoulder-launched missiles and sabotage, and emphasizes that technological solutions must be secondary to tactical needs. Finally, it asserts that security and development are interdependent, citing NEPAD's position that security is a prerequisite for development.

The document provides a detailed analysis of the Burundi peace process, focusing on the transition from civil war to a conditional peace. It examines the diplomatic facilitation by Nelson Mandela and Jacob Zuma, the deployment of the South African Protection Support Detachment (SAPSD), the African Mission in Burundi (AMIB), and the UN Operation in Burundi (ONUB). Key areas of focus include the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) of various rebel groups, specifically the CNDD-FDD and PALIPEHUTU-FNL, the reform of the national army and police, and the organization of the 2005 elections. It concludes with the transition to the UN Integrated Office in Burundi (BINUB) and the final demobilization of the FNL in 2009.

The document provides an analytical account of child soldiering in Africa, focusing on the drivers, roles, and consequences for both boys and girls. It argues that the use of children is a global phenomenon facilitated by the proliferation of light weapons and the nature of modern intra-state civil wars. The author emphasizes that recruitment is often a deliberate military strategy based on the agility and controllability of children, or a result of extreme poverty and state collapse. The text highlights the specific, often invisible, experiences of girl soldiers, who serve as combatants, spies, and forced 'wives'. It concludes that child soldiering creates a 'scarred generation' and a dysfunctional notion of childhood, which in turn alters the culture of the affected societies.

The preface introduces a collaborative research project between the African Centre for Technology Studies (ACTS) and the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) aimed at understanding the links between natural resources, land tenure, and conflict in Africa. It acknowledges the contributions of various researchers, peer reviewers, and informants, specifically noting fieldwork conducted in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, and Angola. The work was supported by the United States Agency for International Development’s Regional Economic Development and Services Office for Eastern and Southern Africa (REDSO/ESA) and incorporates findings from a December 2004 conference on Land Tenure and Conflict in Africa.

The report argues that conflict in the Kivus is rooted in long-term bad governance and disputes over land and ethnicity, rather than solely foreign intervention. It analyzes the fragmentation of the RCD-G and the structure of Mayi-Mayi militias, emphasizing that sustainable peace requires the unification of the army, the resolution of local land disputes, and improved diplomatic and economic cooperation between the DRC and Rwanda.

The report examines the challenges of defence integration in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), arguing that the process is primarily a short-term political measure to end hostilities rather than a purely military reform. It highlights a history of governance deficits, where military professionalism was replaced by clientelism and ethnic representativity, leading to state collapse. The document advocates for a comprehensive approach to security sector reform (SSR) that integrates defence, public service, and business sector reforms to prevent the recurrence of a destructive 'war economy'. It also details a workshop conducted by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) and Labor Optimus to encourage the DRC's engagement with the SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation (OPDSC).

The research paper evaluates the impact of the IEMF (Operation ARTEMIS) in stabilizing Bunia, DRC, noting its success in restoring basic security and facilitating the return of displaced persons, while highlighting its failure to prevent atrocities outside its limited area of responsibility. It outlines three future scenarios—worst, best, and most likely—and recommends an integrated approach combining military peace-enforcement, political support for the Ituri Interim Administration (IIA), and the implementation of a Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) process to address the root causes of ethnic conflict between Hema and Lendu communities.

The document examines the conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt over the proposed Great Millennium Dam, a project with a 5,250 megawatt capacity. Egypt has expressed concerns regarding its water quota and has threatened military action, while Ethiopia links Egyptian access to the site to the signing of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA). The dispute is framed by the CFA, which is supported by several upper Nile Basin states but rejected by Egypt, and is further complicated by the independence of Southern Sudan.

The author applies the 'non-offensive defence' (NOD) framework to sub-Saharan Africa, finding that most states lack the logistics, equipment, and troop density to launch large-scale offensives. This creates a 'zone of mutual defensive superiority' by default, though the author warns this is coupled with a dangerous inability to protect citizens from internal repression or external predators. The paper suggests that instead of individual state armaments, the region should pursue a 'division of labour' for power projection through multilateral organisations like the African Union.

The document examines the link between poverty, human insecurity, and conflict in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that the 'security first' approach of international donors is flawed because it focuses on state security while ignoring the structural economic collapse caused by neo-liberal structural adjustment programmes and unsustainable debt. The author describes 'new wars' in Africa as rational economic responses to exclusion, where warlords utilize global markets for lootable commodities. The paper advocates for a shift toward 'human security' and a significant increase in official development assistance (ODA) to meet Millennium Development Goals, warning that current donor strategies continue to prioritize market liberalization over genuine poverty alleviation.

The document examines the legal framework of international criminal law, focusing on the 'core crimes' of the International Criminal Court (ICC): genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. It details the three essential components for establishing individual criminal responsibility: the material element (conduct), the mental element (intent/knowledge), and the contextual element (the broader circumstances of mass violence or armed conflict). The text analyzes the Rome Statute, the 'Elements of Crimes' document, and jurisprudence from the ICTY and ICTR to explain how these crimes are distinguished from domestic offences and from each other. It specifically explores the 'special intent' required for genocide, the 'widespread or systematic' nature of crimes against humanity, and the distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts in the context of war crimes.

The notes detail the implementation of UN Resolution 1493, which strengthened MONUC's mandate in the DRC. Key discussions include the role of the International Committee to Accompany the Transition (CIAT), South Africa's Third Party Verification Mechanism (TPVM), and the challenges of transitioning from a war economy to a regulated state. The text also addresses the need for regional stability in the Great Lakes Region, the importance of Radio Okapi for national unification, and the complexities of holding democratic elections while managing a centralized power structure in Kinshasa.

The document discusses the psychological and social challenges refugees face, the policy approach of Zambia in integrating refugees with local populations, and the implementation of a peace and conflict resolution training programme. It argues that sustainable repatriation depends on healing 'invisible wounds' and equipping refugees with human relationship skills to prevent conflict upon returning to war-ravaged homelands.

The report examines how insecure land access and the manipulation of land rights contribute to poverty and violent conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa. It highlights the tension between customary and statutory tenure systems and warns that land is often used as a 'resource of conflict' by elites to consolidate power and enforce ethnic divisions. The authors argue for the importance of local governance and field-based empirical research in developing effective land policies and reconciliation efforts.

The notes detail the necessity of strengthening the Ituri Interim Administration (IIA) and addressing the 'justice vacuum' through the International Criminal Court to prevent impunity for war crimes. In the Kivus, the success of the DDRRR process is hindered by MONUC's non-political approach toward FDLR leaders to maintain relations with Rwanda. Operationally, MONUC faces severe resource constraints, logistical challenges due to ruined infrastructure, and the need for additional troops to effectively enforce the arms embargo and provide security in remote forest regions.