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The document analyzes how Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Finland created a highly integrated electricity market, notably through the Nord Pool exchange, to balance variable renewable energy with hydroelectric storage. It argues that Canada's 'balkanized' grid, characterized by provincial control and political resistance, could benefit from similar bilateral exchanges—specifically linking hydroelectric-rich provinces like Quebec, Manitoba, and British Columbia with those transitioning from fossil fuels—to lower costs and achieve carbon neutrality by 2050.

The document analyzes the Nordic model of electricity co-operation—characterized by two-way trade, market harmonization via Nord Pool, and regional governance—as a blueprint for Canada. It argues that Canadian provinces could lower decarbonization costs by using hydro-rich provinces as 'batteries' to back up variable renewable energy in other regions, provided they overcome political resistance and regulatory misalignment.

The report details a series of virtual workshops held in 2021 involving approximately 30 civil society organizations to discuss Canada's net-zero goals. The findings highlight a strong consensus on the need for absolute emission reductions, the phase-out of fossil fuels, and the prioritization of 'safe bets' like clean electricity and energy efficiency over uncertain technologies. Key areas of concern include the role of carbon capture and storage (CCS), the use of carbon offsets, and the necessity of integrating climate justice and Indigenous reconciliation into national strategies. The document concludes with a set of proposed 'guardrails' and policy demands to guide Canada's transition to carbon neutrality.

The document details the establishment of the Mine Audits Unit and the role of the Chief Auditor in British Columbia, created to ensure independent, transparent evaluation of the provincial mining regulatory framework. This initiative followed the 2014 Mount Polley tailings storage facility breach and a 2016 Auditor General report that found compliance and enforcement activities were inadequate. The first major audit focused on Tailings Storage Facilities (TSFs), concluding that 2016 Code revisions have had positive impacts but identifying seven recommendations for improvement, including resolving inconsistencies with the Water Sustainability Act and clarifying ambiguous language. The Ministry has accepted these recommendations and established a Strategy and Advisory Services Team to implement them.

The Center for International Environmental Law argues that COP26 failed to address the root causes of the climate crisis, specifically fossil fuels, and instead relied on 'false solutions' like carbon offsets. The statement highlights the exclusion of civil society and Indigenous Peoples from negotiations, the inadequacy of climate finance for adaptation and loss and damage, and the persistence of 'greenwashing' by corporate interests. While noting some progress in marginal alliances like the Beyond Oil & Gas Alliance, the author concludes that the official negotiated outcomes lack the ambition and equity required to keep global warming below 1.5°C.

The document examines three climate adaptation projects by the W8banaki Nation: lake sturgeon habitat restoration, medicinal plant preservation, and riverbank erosion assessment. It highlights the importance of integrating traditional Indigenous knowledge with western science and argues for flexible, long-term, community-led funding models over rigid, top-down provincial programs.

The document examines how the W8banaki Nation integrates traditional knowledge with science to adapt to climate change in the Ndakina territory. It highlights three projects: the conservation of the lake sturgeon, the management of medicinal plants and invasive species, and the assessment of riverbank erosion. The study argues that successful adaptation requires 'bottom-up' planning, flexible and stable funding, and the active involvement of knowledge holders to ensure cultural continuity and territorial integrity.

The report examines the mechanisms used to ensure mining companies provide sufficient funds for environmental rehabilitation if they fail to meet closure obligations. It details various financial instruments, cost estimation methodologies, and policy requirements from leading jurisdictions including Australia, Canada, Germany, South Africa, and the United States.

The report identifies significant climate risks to Canadian infrastructure, including permafrost degradation in the North and flooding in coastal and urban areas. It recommends a whole-of-society approach combining climate-informed planning, structural changes, and natural infrastructure solutions. While federal initiatives like the Climate Lens and the Disaster Mitigation and Adaptation Fund provide a foundation, the report argues for greater investment to close an infrastructure gap estimated up to CAD 1 trillion and the adoption of more diverse sustainable finance mechanisms.

The report argues that the USDA has a "long and painful history of racism and discrimination" that has led to massive land loss for Black, Indigenous, Latino, and Asian American farmers. To fulfill the mandates of Executive Order 13,985, the authors propose structural reforms including the creation of an Equity Action Plan, the establishment of an interagency task force, and the implementation of legislative set-asides for BIPOC groups. Key recommendations include increasing land access through subsidized sales and loans, improving protections for farmworkers against pesticide exposure and heat stress, and reforming the USDA's civil rights office to ensure prompt resolution of discrimination claims. The document also calls for reducing the funding of Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations (CAFOs) due to their disproportionate impact on communities of color and expanding eligibility for federal nutrition programs.

The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment (CAPE/ACME) addresses the impact of systemic racism and colonialism in Canada, specifically citing the discovery of children's graves at a residential school in Kamloops and a hate crime against a Muslim family in London, Ontario. The author argues that environmentalism and medicine are not immune to these systems; environmentalism has a history of erasing Indigenous peoples and sacrificing their rights for environmental gains, while the medical system has been used to perpetrate genocide and racism against Indigenous people. The statement calls for the ACME community to engage in antiracist work, support the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's calls to action, and recognize that systemic hate is an inherent part of Canada's colonial foundation.

The document calls for an urgent ban on nanographene-containing face masks in the European Union, citing a Canadian health advisory that identified these masks as potentially toxic to human lung health. The authors highlight that masks from the China-based Shengquan Group, specifically the 'healfiber' brand, are available on the EU market and have been worn by high-ranking officials, including EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. The signatories advocate for the precautionary regulation of all personal protective equipment containing nanoparticles, such as nanosilver and nanometal oxides, to protect public health.

The paper examines Canada's pandemic response, highlighting how a strategy of virus mitigation over suppression, combined with the privatization of long-term care and a lack of workplace protections, disproportionately harmed racialized people, women, and Indigenous communities. It further critiques Canada's international conduct, specifically its hoarding of vaccine doses and opposition to waiving intellectual property rights for vaccines in the Global South.

The document examines Canada's approach to the hydrogen economy, specifically the tension between supporting 'blue hydrogen' (fossil fuel-based with carbon capture) and 'green hydrogen' (renewable-based). It argues that blue hydrogen is less environmentally effective due to methane leaks and high costs of carbon capture and storage (CCS), and is likely to be out-competed by green hydrogen by 2030. The author contends that subsidies for blue hydrogen constitute fossil fuel subsidies that undermine Canada's climate goals and net-zero 2050 target, recommending strict environmental and cost criteria for any public funding.

The report identifies a resilient and multifaceted online ecosystem for Canadian right-wing extremists (RWEs), noting that while mainstream platform enforcement (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) removes some content, new channels quickly emerge. The COVID-19 pandemic acted as a significant driver of activity, with 38.8% of coded messages relating to the pandemic, often focusing on conspiracy theories and anti-government sentiment. Canadian RWEs exhibit a strong internationalist outlook, mentioning the US more than Canada. While overt hate speech is a small proportion of total activity on mainstream sites, fringe platforms like 4chan and Telegram host more explicit racism, neo-Nazi imagery, and accelerationist content, including instructional material for violence. The report recommends government regulation of platforms, algorithmic auditing, and international coordination on RWE designations.

The report finds that inland flooding represents the highest annual cost of climate change for Canadian infrastructure, with mid-range estimates between $5 billion and $8 billion per year. Proactive adaptation can significantly reduce costs for roads, rail, and the electrical grid, though it is less effective for permafrost thaw and inland flooding. The analysis highlights that while total costs are often concentrated in high-population areas like Ontario, specific geographic risks such as permafrost thaw disproportionately affect the three territories.

The report highlights a significant lack of transparency in Canada's reporting of fossil fuel subsidies, particularly regarding foregone revenue. It advocates for the use of the WTO definition of subsidies and the 'revenue foregone' method to accurately quantify tax expenditures and royalty subsidies, which the authors argue are essential for informed policy-making and meeting international climate goals.

The author contends that Quebec's goal of carbon neutrality by 2050 is at risk because the current Plan does not specify the extent of local emission reductions or limit the use of carbon sequestration. Relying on natural processes is deemed less reliable due to risks like forest fires, while technological solutions remain theoretical. The document suggests that a lack of structural changes could lead to price spikes in carbon markets and recommends a mix of incentives and binding measures, such as eco-fiscality and shifting investment from road expansion to public transit.

The author contends that climate, growth, and social goals are inseparable, warning that neglecting any of these dimensions undermines Canada's long-term competitiveness. The text highlights the vulnerability of high-emission provinces like Alberta and Saskatchewan, the growth potential of clean technology exports, and the disproportionate impact of climate change on low-income populations and Indigenous reserves. It concludes that recovery policies should move beyond a return to the status quo by addressing the interlinked nature of economic and social prosperity.

The document examines the intersection of the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, and urban inequality, proposing six priority solutions to build climate-resilient and equitable cities. It highlights how the pandemic exposed systemic vulnerabilities, particularly for the urban poor in informal settlements, and argues that adaptation investments offer high benefit-cost ratios (2:1 to 10:1) and local job creation. Proposed solutions include upgrading poor settlements, building water resilience, advancing nature-based solutions, creating knowledge networks, enhancing devolved funding, and fostering peer-to-peer city collaboration.