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The report finds that strong methane standards in the U.S. oil and gas sector would create significant employment without negatively impacting drilling activity. The CATF 65% plan is projected to create nearly 220,000 total jobs (including 64,000 direct jobs), while the EPA proposal would create 92,000 total jobs (including 27,000 direct jobs). These jobs span manufacturing, installation, and ongoing operations and maintenance, with a significant portion being non-offshorable and potentially unionized.

The analysis finds that 236 counties in 21 US states face cancer risks exceeding the EPA's one-in-a-million threshold due to oil and gas pollution, affecting nearly 14 million people. The report identifies benzene, formaldehyde, and acetaldehyde as the primary drivers of this risk, accounting for 96% of the estimated cancer risk. It highlights that the population living in high-risk counties increased from 9 million in 2016 to 14 million in 2022, primarily due to industry growth. The report argues that implementing proven methane-reduction technologies, such as leak detection and repair and the replacement of gas-driven pneumatic equipment, would also significantly reduce toxic hazardous air pollution.

The document outlines a pathway to reduce U.S. oil and gas methane emissions by 65% using mature technologies and standards already employed in states like Colorado and New Mexico. It advocates for strengthening EPA regulations to include frequent leak detection and repair (LDAR) and a total ban on routine flaring. Additionally, it supports the Build Back Better Act's Methane Emissions Reduction Program (MERP) as a complementary financial incentive. The author asserts that these measures would save society $13 billion annually by 2025, prevent millions of tons of volatile organic compounds (VOCs) and hazardous air pollutants (HAPs) from entering the atmosphere, and create approximately 220,000 total jobs without negatively impacting drilling activity.

The Climate Central Temperature Attribution System (CC-TAS) Version 1.0 operationalizes a multi-method framework to attribute temperature events to anthropogenic climate change. It utilizes two empirical methods (median-scaling and quantile-scaling) and a model-based method using CMIP6 simulations. To improve upon previous frameworks, CC-TAS incorporates high-resolution CFS reanalysis temperatures, ERA5 reanalysis for scale factors, and skew-normal parameterized distributions. The system introduces the 'occurrence ratio' (OR) as a primary metric to assess both warm and cold events, which is then converted into a conservative categorical 'Climate Shift Index' (CSI) for public mapping, primarily focusing on the contiguous United States.

The report finds that gas-fired power plants in MISO and SPP frequently operate at a loss, costing ratepayers an estimated $117 million in 2019. This uneconomic generation is most prevalent in steam turbines and gas turbines, often driven by practices like self-scheduling and self-commitment. The authors argue that these inefficiencies, combined with rising fuel costs and the growth of renewables, make gas-fired power an increasingly risky and expensive investment compared to clean energy portfolios.

The testimony asserts that CCUS is not a viable climate solution, citing its failure to meet capture targets, high costs compared to renewables, and the risk of increasing lifecycle emissions. It highlights that most captured carbon is used for Enhanced Oil Recovery (EOR), which produces more CO2 than it captures. The author warns of significant safety risks from CO2 pipelines and the environmental dangers of offshore storage in the Gulf of Mexico, where legacy oil and gas wells increase the likelihood of leaks and ocean acidification.

The report profiles 12 private equity firms—including Blackstone, Carlyle, and KKR—detailing their substantial portfolios of oil, gas, and coal assets. It argues that these firms fuel the climate crisis and environmental injustice while their executives accumulate immense wealth and social prestige. The document provides specific examples of environmental violations, such as oil spills and methane leaks, and highlights the firms' tendency to avoid global climate pledges like those made at COP26.

The document challenges the notion that wind curtailment results from an oversupply of wind, using analysis of the Southwest Power Pool (SPP) to show that higher-cost coal plants often remain online while wind is curtailed. It identifies three primary drivers of this waste: inadequate transmission capacity, the practice of coal plants 'self-committing' to avoid being turned off, and a lack of battery storage. The author argues that addressing these infrastructure and operational shortcomings would reduce costs for consumers and lower carbon emissions.

Climate Central's analysis of weather station data from 225 locations across 17 U.S. states reveals a significant increase in fire weather days since the 1970s, driven primarily by warming and decreasing relative humidity. The report highlights that interior regions have seen higher increases than coastal areas, with some parts of New Mexico experiencing two additional months of fire weather compared to nearly 50 years ago. Beyond increasing wildfire risk, these conditions have led utilities like PG&E to implement public safety power shutoffs (PSPSs) to prevent equipment-related ignitions, resulting in significant economic impacts and health risks. The document argues that while land management and localized grids can mitigate risk, long-term stabilization requires reducing carbon pollution to net zero by 2050.

This policy brief by RMI argues that federal incentives are necessary to help electric cooperatives (co-ops) retire aging coal plants and transition to renewable energy, which would drive significant economic development in rural US communities.

The document examines the 2013 flood in Siksika Nation as a case study of how colonial land dispossession and the Indian Act create disproportionate climate risks for Indigenous communities. It details a five-phase displacement process where evacuees faced substandard temporary housing and long-term trauma. The report highlights the Dancing Deer Disaster Recovery Centre as a model of self-determination, providing culturally safe, community-led health and social services to aid recovery.

The report analyzes the impact of three US federal tax subsidies—the expensing of intangible drilling costs (IDC), percentage depletion, and accelerated amortization of geological and geophysical (G&G) expenses—on the profitability of oil and gas projects from 1998 to 2019. Using a financial model of 2,450 fields, the authors find that these subsidies increased the expected net present value of projects by billions of dollars annually, often exceeding $20 billion in high-price years. The benefits were heavily concentrated in unconventional shale developments in regions such as the Permian Basin and Appalachia, and disproportionately benefited independent firms over integrated ones. While subsidies provided 'super normal' profits during high-price periods (2007-2014) without significantly altering drilling decisions, they were critical for the viability of marginal projects during price drops, such as in 2016 for oil and 2010-2012 for gas in Appalachia.

The report estimates that retiring four nuclear plants in Illinois would lead to 1,200 to 2,700 premature deaths and $10 to $24 billion in monetized damages over ten years. Retiring two plants (Byron and Dresden) would result in 500 to 1,100 premature deaths and $4.4 to $10 billion in damages over the same period. These impacts are driven by increased PM2.5 emissions from fossil fuel plants used to offset the loss of zero-emission generation.

The report argues that the oil and gas industry is in an inevitable decline, leaving behind millions of unplugged wells that pose severe risks to public health and the environment. It highlights how inadequate bonding requirements and bankruptcy laws in the US and Canada enable companies to offload decommissioning costs onto taxpayers. The document warns that unconventional drilling, such as fracking and deepwater projects, is significantly more expensive to close than conventional wells, creating material financial risks for investors and governments. It concludes that a just transition requires strict enforcement of the 'polluter pays' principle and the closure of legal loopholes to ensure companies, rather than the public, fund the remediation of toxic assets.

The Clean Air Task Force proposes a set of regulatory measures to reduce U.S. oil and gas methane emissions by 65% relative to 2012 levels by 2025. The plan focuses on seven key areas: frequent leak detection and repair (LDAR), replacing gas-driven pneumatic equipment with non-emitting alternatives, controlling storage tank emissions, minimizing well completion emissions, regulating compressors and dehydrators, reducing oil well venting and flaring, and minimizing maintenance venting. The analysis suggests these measures would reduce 2025 emissions by 7.8 million metric tons of methane compared to current policies, equivalent to 680 million metric tons of CO2-equivalent over a 20-year horizon.

The report analyzes EV infrastructure readiness around 60 US cities, finding that while some cities like San Jose exhibit high regional preparedness, significant gaps in DC fast-charger coverage persist across several states, contributing to consumer range anxiety. It emphasizes that regional collaboration between cities, utilities, and state agencies is essential for scaling infrastructure beyond urban centers to support intercity travel.

A survey of 800 registered Michigan voters indicates a majority oppose spending $1.5 trillion to replace the U.S. nuclear arsenal and nearly $100 billion to replace land-based nuclear missiles. Voters expressed a preference for federal spending on cleaning up polluted drinking water, expanding health care, increasing job opportunities, and improving infrastructure. The data shows that women, voters of color, college-educated voters, and those in suburbs near cities are most likely to oppose the nuclear overhaul, with nearly 60% of Black voters in opposition.

The report contends that US ICBM policy is outdated, as submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) now match or exceed ICBM capabilities while remaining invulnerable at sea. It argues that the continued deployment of ICBMs on high alert creates a dangerous risk of mistaken launch due to compressed decision timelines. The authors assert that the retention of the ICBM force is driven by non-security factors, including the economic interests of the 'ICBM Coalition' of senators and lobbying by defense contractors like Northrop Grumman. The report recommends retiring the ICBM force, eliminating 'launch-on-warning' options, and extending the life of existing Minuteman III missiles instead of spending $100 billion on the new Ground-Based Strategic Deterrent (GBSD) system.

The brief supports the vacatur of the easement for the Dakota Access Pipeline, asserting that the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers committed a serious violation of the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) by failing to prepare a required Environmental Impact Statement (EIS). The authors argue that the risk of irreparable environmental harm from oil spills outweighs any economic disruption, especially given a global oil supply glut and the existing negative impacts of Bakken shale oil production on public health and Indigenous communities.

The report argues that rate-regulated utilities use 'self-commitment' to bypass market merit order, running coal plants that are objectively uneconomic and passing the resulting losses to captive customers through state fuel-cost-recovery processes. Using PLEXOS modeling for the MISO region in 2018, the authors find that this practice cost customers $350 million and suppressed regional market clearing prices by 2.4%. The report identifies Cleco and DTE Energy as significant contributors to these distortions and recommends that state regulators disallow the recovery of imprudent, above-market costs to incentivize efficient dispatch.