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The document outlines the need for more inclusive, evidence-driven partnerships between African governments, extractive companies, and communities to move beyond raw material exports toward value-addition and beneficiation. It proposes the creation of Regional Mining Visions (RMVs) to set standards on social and environmental impacts and calls for strategic global partnerships with systemic players like China to enhance Africa's position in global minerals value chains.

The report examines the gap between Africa's strong rhetorical commitment to regional integration and the limited actual progress achieved. Using APRM data from 17 countries, it identifies systemic barriers including reluctance to cede national sovereignty, overlapping memberships in multiple regional economic communities (RECs), inadequate infrastructure, and a lack of private sector involvement. While some blocs like the East African Community (EAC) show more progress, most have not advanced beyond free trade areas or customs unions, and intra-African trade remains low compared to trade with external partners like the EU and China.

The policy brief advocates for a shift in how protected areas (PAs) in Africa are valued, moving beyond biodiversity to include measurable economic contributions. It suggests that integrating ecosystem services into national development planning and adopting innovative financing—such as payment for ecosystem services (PES), carbon offsets, and 'wildlife-friendly' product certifications—can secure investment and improve local livelihoods. The authors emphasize that PAs must be co-managed with local communities to ensure equitable benefit sharing and sustainable resource use.

The document provides a practitioner-focused guide to securing community land rights in Africa, detailing case studies on resolving land conflicts, strengthening local governance, and resisting forced resettlement. It emphasizes the importance of community self-definition, the use of Biocultural Community Protocols, and the necessity of multi-pronged advocacy strategies involving legal education, media engagement, and the building of alliances between grassroots movements and sympathetic government actors.

The briefing argues that a compelling business case for large-scale adaptation investment in LDCs has not yet been established because most adaptation needs function as public goods with little financial return for investors. It introduces a framework analyzing the interaction between enabling environments, mobilization, and delivery, noting that even when private finance is mobilized, it may not reach priority sectors or could lead to maladaptation. The author concludes that private sector contributions to adaptation finance are likely to be limited and suggests exploring alternative pathways such as domestic SME incentives, improved tax collection, microfinance, and reduced remittance costs.

The document argues that traditional techno-economic approaches to energy access are insufficient and proposes an ecosystem services lens to better understand how biomass use affects human welfare and the environment. It details three primary research methodologies: demand-side surveys, supply and value chain analysis, and economic modeling of consumer choice, with a particular focus on the charcoal sector in sub-Saharan Africa.

The Living Blue Planet Report 2015 documents a 49% decline in global marine vertebrate populations between 1970 and 2012. It highlights critical losses in key habitats, including over half of reef-building corals in tropical reefs over 30 years and nearly 20% of mangrove cover between 1980 and 2005. The report identifies overfishing, climate change, pollution, and extractive industries as primary drivers of this degradation. It emphasizes the socio-economic risks, noting that nearly 3 billion people rely on fish as a major protein source and that the ocean generates at least US$2.5 trillion in annual economic benefits. The document advocates for the 'One Planet Perspective' framework, which includes expanding Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) to 30% to potentially generate up to US$920 billion by 2050.

The report examines the critical pressures facing South African agriculture, including resource scarcity, climate change, and socio-economic inequality. It highlights the interdependence of food, water, and energy systems, warning that current trends in soil degradation, water over-abstraction, and biodiversity loss threaten long-term productivity. The document calls for a shift toward sustainable farming practices, improved land-use planning, and coordinated governance to protect the natural resource base while feeding a growing population.

This report reviews the laws and policies of Mozambique regarding the recognition of the rights of local communities and indigenous peoples, specifically examining how natural resource extraction, large-scale agriculture, and infrastructure projects impact these rights.

Friends of the Earth International and its signatories critique the Lima Conference for producing weak pre-2020 mitigation pledges and failing to secure binding commitments on finance, adaptation, and loss and damage. The statement asserts that the outcome shifts responsibility to the Global South, protects polluting corporations, and risks expanding carbon markets at the expense of land rights. It calls for a systemic transformation away from fossil fuels toward community-controlled renewable energy and agro-ecological solutions.

The report examines the tension between Mozambique's progressive legal frameworks, such as the 1997 Land Law, and a state tendency toward recentralization and the prioritization of extractive industries. While laws recognize customary land rights (DUAT), implementation is often hindered by bureaucratic hurdles, flawed community consultation processes, and legislation that gives mining operations priority over other land uses. The document highlights the failure of community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) initiatives like Tchuma Tchato due to lack of genuine power devolution and the negative social impacts of large-scale resettlement projects, such as those led by Vale in Tete Province.

The document analyzes the roles of Zimbabwe as SADC chair and South Africa as chair of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation (OPDSC) for 20142015. It argues that while these roles provide opportunities for leadership, the impact is constrained by SADC's consensus-based decision-making and institutional weaknesses. Key challenges include high dependency on donor funding, political instability in Lesotho, and the influence of domestic political struggles in Zimbabwe and South Africa.

The policy brief argues that while South Africa is the only permanent African member of the G-20, the current system of inviting the AU chair and a NEPAD representative is insufficient due to high rotation and a lack of formal coordination. It highlights that G-20 agendas on infrastructure, tax reform, and sustainable development financing directly impact Africa's development goals, such as Agenda 2063. To address capacity gaps, the authors recommend establishing a coordinating secretariat within the AU Commission, drawing on the successful model used for the 2011 Busan Forum on Aid Effectiveness and South Africa's 2013 BRICS outreach to African countries.

Botswana possesses 212 billion tonnes of coal, offering potential for economic diversification away from diamonds. However, the document argues that a coal export industry is likely economically unfeasible due to massive infrastructure costs—specifically a proposed $10 billion railway to Namibia—and environmental constraints. Instead, the author suggests that integrating regional fossil fuels for electricity production could address Southern Africa's power crisis, provided there is political cooperation, particularly from South Africa, and until solar baseload power becomes a viable alternative.

The research paper examines the political strategy of RENAMO and its leader Afonso Dhlakama in Mozambique following the 2014 elections. It argues that RENAMO has shifted from electoral politics toward a strategy of 'brinkmanship' and guerrilla warfare to secure political concessions and a Government of National Unity (GNU), drawing parallels to post-election settlements in Kenya and Zimbabwe. While this approach restored RENAMO's political fortunes and secured reforms to election management bodies, the author notes that international observers viewed the 2014 elections as generally free and fair, potentially undermining RENAMO's bid for international mediation and a forced power-sharing agreement.

The research paper examines whether the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has led to governance improvements in member states using the 2014 Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) as a benchmark. The author finds mixed results: while 10 of 17 reviewed countries showed some progress—most notably Rwanda—others like Mali and Benin experienced regression. The paper concludes that there is no obvious direct positive correlation between APRM reviews and improved IIAG scores, largely because member states have failed to systematically implement the required National Programmes of Action (NPoA). To improve, the author recommends strengthening peer pressure, increasing secretariat support for national planning, and enhancing civil society engagement to ensure domestic accountability.

The document critiques the REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) mechanism, asserting that it prioritizes private finance and corporate interests over indigenous rights and genuine climate mitigation. Through case studies in Indonesia, Mozambique, and Peru, it demonstrates how REDD projects can exacerbate land conflicts, threaten food security, and fail to achieve carbon reduction goals. The report concludes that REDD is a 'false solution' that allows industrial polluters in the Global North to continue emitting via carbon offsets. It proposes an alternative based on community-led forest management, the resolution of land tenure issues, and a systemic reduction in the consumption of resources by rich countries.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) critiques the REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) mechanism, claiming it exacerbates land tenure conflicts, threatens food security, and allows industrial polluters in the Global North to avoid domestic emission cuts. Through case studies in Indonesia, Mozambique, and Peru, the report illustrates failures in carbon accounting, financial instability, and the marginalization of Indigenous peoples. FoEI proposes an alternative model of community forest management, citing Bolivia's proposal to the UNFCCC as a viable path toward climate justice and sustainable forest preservation.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) contends that REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation) fails to deliver permanent emissions reductions and often harms Indigenous Peoples and local communities. Through case studies in Indonesia, Mozambique, and Peru, the report illustrates how REDD+ can exacerbate land tenure conflicts, threaten food security, and facilitate continued pollution in industrialised countries via carbon offsets. FoEI proposes replacing these market-based mechanisms with community-led forest management based on traditional knowledge and a global reduction in the demand for forest-derived products.

The document argues that while engaging the private sector in post-conflict settings carries reputational and political risks, it is essential for sustainable economic recovery. It suggests that SADPA should move beyond a purely militaristic or diplomatic approach to PCRD by coordinating with businesses to create jobs and stimulate growth. The author proposes six specific modalities for engagement, including risk guarantees, governance reform, and the creation of public-private dialogue platforms, while cautioning against a purely mercantilist approach that could damage South Africa's image in Africa.