SADC 2014 – 2015: Are South Africa and Zimbabwe shaping the organisation?

This policy brief examines the leadership of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) from 2014 to 2015, specifically the roles of Zimbabwe as the overall chair and South Africa as the chair of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation (OPDSC). It analyzes how domestic political dynamics, foreign policy, and institutional constraints influence their ability to shape the regional organization's agenda.

• Decision-making within SADC is characterized as hierarchical and primarily consensual, meaning that the countries chairing the Summit or the OPDSC do not hold a monopoly over decisions. However, the chair of the Summit can influence decisions that do not require full consensus, except for critical actions such as amending SADC treaties or dissolving institutions, which require a three-quarters majority of Summit members.
• SADC faces significant financial instability due to a heavy reliance on external funding; donor funding accounts for 79% of the budget, while member states contribute only 21%. A primary goal for the 2014-2015 leadership is to find realistic alternatives to reduce this dependency.
• South Africa replaced Lesotho as the chair of the OPDSC in 2014 after SADC leaders expressed concerns over Lesotho's ability to lead due to a political impasse in its governing coalition and a security crisis in its capital that included an attempted coup in September 2014.
• South Africa's record in SADC is mixed: it has successfully pushed for the launch of the Regional Early Warning Centre (REWC) and mediated the constitutional crisis in Madagascar, but it has been criticized for supporting a flawed democratisation process in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 2011 to advance its own strategic interests.
• Zimbabwe's leadership of SADC is influenced by internal ZANU-PF factionalism and succession battles involving Robert Mugabe, Joyce Mujuru, Emmerson Mnangagwa, and Grace Mugabe. There is a perception that Zimbabwe may use its chairmanship to rebrand its economic credibility and promote its president as a Pan-African icon.
• Zimbabwe's ability to enhance regional cooperation is hindered by its poor relations with the European Union, SADC's main donor, and the travel bans imposed on President Mugabe and his wife. Consequently, Zimbabwe may attempt to elevate China as a 'partner of choice' for SADC.
• South Africa's influence in SADC is potentially undermined by member states' perceptions of its self-interest and the perceived increase of ANC-linked commercial interests in the region, which may erode bilateral relations and hinder consensus on strategic issues.

APA

Motsamai, D. (2014). SADC 2014 – 2015: Are South Africa and Zimbabwe shaping the organisation? Institute for Security Studies. https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/PolBrief70.pdf

Chicago

Motsamai, Dimpho. SADC 2014 – 2015: Are South Africa and Zimbabwe shaping the organisation? Institute for Security Studies, 2014. https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/PolBrief70.pdf.

Wikipedia

{{cite report |last1=Motsamai |first1=Dimpho |title=SADC 2014 – 2015: Are South Africa and Zimbabwe shaping the organisation? |publisher=Institute for Security Studies |date=November 2014 |url=https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/PolBrief70.pdf |access-date=17 August 2026 |via=Climate Insights Directory}}

BibTeX

@techreport{motsamai2014sadc, author = {Motsamai, Dimpho}, title = {{SADC 2014 – 2015: Are South Africa and Zimbabwe shaping the organisation?}}, institution = {Institute for Security Studies}, year = {2014}, month = nov, url = {https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/PolBrief70.pdf}, urldate = {2026-08-17}, note = {Indexed by Climate Insights Directory} }