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The document outlines a readiness project implemented by the Agence Française de Développement (AFD) to support 13 accredited and applicant Direct Access Entities (DAEs) within the International Development Finance Club (IDFC). The project aims to remove barriers to GCF accreditation and funding by providing technical assistance for fiduciary, environmental, social, and gender policies, and by developing climate finance tools for risk and impact assessment. Key deliverables include an IDFC-GCF Toolkit, a joint DAE-IDFC Work Program, and the development of multi-country concept notes focusing on climate-resilient recovery post-COVID-19, specifically targeting MSMEs and vulnerable populations in sectors like renewable energy and sustainable land use.

The author warns that President Alassane Ouattara's decision to seek a third term in Côte d’Ivoire, based on the claim that the 2016 constitution reset the term counter, risks triggering instability similar to the 2000 and 2010/2011 crises. The text highlights a broader trend of 'third-term' attempts in Africa, citing examples in Guinea and Burundi, and calls on the AU and ECOWAS to treat such constitutional manipulations as unconstitutional changes of government.

The sardinella fishery in West Africa faces overfishing and excessive capacity, driven in part by capacity-enhancing subsidies for fuel and water access. The document argues that WTO subsidy prohibitions, combined with improved management and transition periods for small-scale fishers, could improve the region's environmental and economic sustainability and support the UN Sustainable Development Goals.

The document analyzes how subsidies for industrial and artisanal sardinella fishing in West Africa contribute to overcapacity and overfishing, and evaluates how different WTO subsidy prohibition options—targeting IUU fishing, overfished stocks, and overcapacity—could affect the region's food security, economy, and stock recovery.

The report analyzes how WTO rules targeting illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, overexploited stocks, and overcapacity would affect the sardinella fishery in West Africa. It finds that most industrial and artisanal fleets in the region, particularly those from Senegal, Mauritania, and the EU, rely on subsidies—especially fuel and access subsidies—to remain economically viable. The document argues that while removing these subsidies would likely lead to stock recovery and long-term profitability, it could cause short-term socio-economic hardship for artisanal fishers. It recommends a phased approach, prioritizing the removal of industrial subsidies first, and emphasizes the need for improved monitoring, control, and surveillance (MCS) to prevent a shift toward IUU fishing.

The report examines how subsidies for industrial and artisanal fishing in West Africa contribute to the overexploitation of sardinelle stocks and analyzes how potential WTO disciplines on subsidies—specifically those targeting illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, overfished stocks, and overcapacity—could improve sustainability while posing short-term socio-economic risks to local communities.

The document advocates for enhancing public participation in climate policies by leveraging international legal instruments like the Aarhus Convention and the Escazú Agreement. It identifies specific entry points at COP-25—including Article 6 market mechanisms, the Lima Work Programme on Gender, and the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform—where procedural rights and safeguards for environmental defenders should be strengthened. It further suggests using the transparency framework's interactive dialogues to review how public participation improves national climate ambition.

The document outlines the legal frameworks and specific entry points within the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement processes where public participation and access to information can be strengthened. It highlights the Aarhus Convention and Escazú Agreement as regional models for environmental democracy and warns that the lack of procedural rights in the Clean Development Mechanism led to harmful projects. The briefing recommends that the new Sustainable Development Mechanism (SDM) under Article 6.4 include robust stakeholder consultation and an independent grievance redress mechanism. It further suggests that the review of the Doha Work Programme and the updating of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) by 2020 be used to enhance the participation of local communities, indigenous peoples, and women.

The report examines the recurring political crises in Guinea-Bissau, specifically the 2015 crisis triggered by the dissolution of Prime Minister Domingos Simões Pereira's government by President José Mário Vaz. It argues that instability stems from institutional weaknesses, including a lack of constitutional clarity regarding the roles of the president and prime minister in a semi-presidential system. While the March 10, 2019, legislative elections are seen as a step toward legitimacy, the authors contend they are insufficient without the implementation of the Stability Pact and reforms to the constitution, electoral laws, political party regulation, the judiciary, and the security sector. The document also details the role of ECOWAS in mediating the crisis through the Conakry Agreement and the use of targeted sanctions to pressure political actors toward a resolution.

The document reports that 1.05 billion people remained at the highest risk of cooling insecurity in 2019, down from 1.1 billion in 2018. It identifies the 'Critical 9' countries with the largest populations at high risk, including India, China, and Nigeria, and notes that China and India have already developed National Cooling Plans, while Brazil, Nigeria, and Bangladesh are currently developing them.

The document argues that public participation is essential for the effective implementation of climate action, citing IPCC findings that stakeholder engagement increases the likelihood of success. It outlines specific entry points for enhancing procedural rights within the Paris Agreement's framework, including Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), Adaptation Communications, the Transparency Framework, the Global Stocktake, and Article 6 mechanisms. It also emphasizes the need for an independent grievance redress mechanism for the Sustainable Development Mechanism and the operationalization of the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform to ensure indigenous voices are reflected in the UNFCCC process.

The report evaluates Italy's transposition of EU IUU and Control Regulations, finding that while enforcement activities are active, the legal framework contains gaps in the definition of 'serious infringements' and the application of immediate enforcement measures. It highlights a trend toward decriminalization of certain fishing offenses, though it notes the successful use of environmental criminal law to prosecute severe ecosystem damage. The document also identifies a lack of public transparency regarding inspection and sanction data and raises concerns about Italian trawlers operating illegally off West Africa.

The document examines the increase in sovereign debt across Africa, specifically focusing on the role of Chinese financing and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It challenges the notion that China is 'trapping' African nations, noting that African governments actively seek these loans to address an annual infrastructure financing deficit of approximately $93 billion and to compensate for declining commodity prices. However, it highlights significant risks, including the opacity of loan terms, the potential for corruption, and the impact of debt servicing on public spending. The author recommends greater transparency from both China and African governments, and a stronger link between debt-funded projects and concrete local benefits.

The policy brief identifies critical deficiencies in Guinea-Bissau's electoral framework, specifically the lack of coordination between the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and the government's Technical Support Office for the Electoral Process (GTAPE). It recommends granting the NEC financial independence through direct budget allocations and full responsibility for the electoral census. The brief also highlights the need to revise parliamentary seat distribution to reflect current demographic data and to legalise national election observation. Furthermore, it addresses the long-term failure to hold local elections since 1994, suggesting a consultative process to define a decentralisation model suited to the national context.

The document argues that Guinea-Bissau's electoral framework requires significant reform to resolve inconsistencies between the Constitution and electoral law, strengthen the independence of the National Election Commission (CNE), and ensure fair representation in the National People's Assembly. It highlights the problematic division of duties between the CNE and the government's technical support office (GTAPE) and the lack of demographic updates in electoral circle distributions. The brief also addresses the long-standing failure to hold municipal elections and suggests legalizing national election observation and improving the transparency of vote counting.

The document analyzes the 1991 Framework Law on Political Parties in Guinea-Bissau, noting that while the law contains desirable democratic principles, it has been poorly applied, leading to the personalization of power and institutional weakness. It recommends establishing a Constitutional Court to oversee party registration and dissolution, implementing a 30% gender quota for candidate lists, and creating an independent National Commission for Political Financing to manage public subsidies and campaign spending limits to reduce corruption.

The document argues that Guinea-Bissau requires comprehensive institutional reforms to prevent political blockages and ensure stability. Key recommendations include revising the Constitution to clarify the powers of the President and Prime Minister, strengthening the National Electoral Commission, updating the 1991 Framework Law on Political Parties to increase transparency and gender representation, restarting the Justice Reform Programme (2015–2019), and relaunching dialogue on defence and security sector reform (DSSR).

The report details discussions between Canadian government officials, academics, and civil society on reforming international investment law. It argues that traditional investment treaties, focused on investor protection, often conflict with sustainable development goals and human rights. Key proposals include shifting the focus of treaties toward sustainable development, conducting broad impact assessments, and reforming or eliminating investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms to protect the state's right to regulate in the public interest, particularly for climate change objectives.

The document assesses the political crisis in Guinea-Bissau following the failure to implement the Conakry Agreement. It argues that the appointment of Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló, contrary to the agreement, has aggravated tensions and created a stalemate in the National Assembly. The authors contend that organizing the 2018 legislative elections without resolving this crisis is risky, as it could further polarize the political class and lead to contested results. They recommend a new round of inclusive consultations led by a firm ECOWAS, the establishment of a technocratic government, and the implementation of constitutional and electoral reforms before any elections take place.

Between 2010 and 2015, US$ 978 million in climate finance was committed to seven Indian Ocean and African SIDS, with 83% of these funds concentrated in Cape Verde and Mauritius. The financing was dominated by bilateral ODA loans (74%) and primarily targeted mitigation (56%) over adaptation (42%). Sectoral focus was narrow, concentrating on water and sanitation, energy, and general environmental protection, while critical resilience sectors like health, education, and agriculture were largely ignored. Disbursement rates were notably low, with only 39% of committed funds actually spent across the region, a rate significantly lower than for non-climate ODA.