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The Forum citoyen pour la justice économique and several NGOs condemn President Emmanuel Macron's announcement at the Choose France summit to 'discard' the European Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CS3D). The statement argues that this move aligns France with the deregulatory policies of US President Donald Trump and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, as well as the goals of Jordan Bardella's party to repeal the European Green Deal and due diligence requirements. The authors claim this decision prioritizes industrial lobbies over human rights and climate urgency, and they call for the preservation of the text to hold multinationals accountable.

French NGOs, gathered in the Citizen’s Forum for Economic Justice, condemn President Emmanuel Macron's announcement at the Choose France summit to set aside the European directive on corporate sustainability due diligence (CSDDD). The NGOs argue that this move aligns France with deregulation policies seen in the US and Germany, undermines multinational accountability, and ignores urgent social and ecological needs during the climate crisis.

The policy brief outlines federal leadership opportunities to bolster U.S. energy security and global competitiveness through the deployment of carbon capture and storage (CCS), advanced nuclear fission and fusion, and superhot rock geothermal energy. It emphasizes the need to bridge the "missing middle" investment gap—where projects are too large for venture capital but too risky for institutional investors—by utilizing a combination of R&D funding, demonstration grants, and extended tax credits. Key recommendations include increasing the 45Q tax credit to $120, extending tech-neutral credits (48E and 45Y) through 2040, and streamlining permitting for CO2 pipelines and Class VI wells. The brief also calls for scaling the nuclear supply chain, modernizing spent fuel policy, and establishing a Geothermal Center for Excellence to ensure the U.S. maintains a competitive edge against international mechanisms like the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism.

The document highlights the significant impact of natural rubber production on tropical forests, noting that deforestation in Southeast Asia is two to three times higher than previous estimates. It aims to support EU authorities in enforcing the EUDR by December 2025 and June 2026.

The IMO's new Net-Zero Framework is criticized as a 'defeat for the climate' because it replaces a universal carbon levy with a hybrid fuel standard and weak carbon pricing. The author contends that the scheme will only reduce emissions by about 10% by 2030—half of the IMO's own base target—and will generate insufficient revenue ($11-12 billion annually) to support the transition to zero-emission fuels, which requires $12-24 billion per year.

The document outlines a strategy for South Africa to develop its green hydrogen ecosystem by prioritizing trade-focused investments that deliver local benefits. It identifies critical hurdles, including inefficient ports and a lack of domestic electrolyser manufacturing, and proposes solutions such as 'green corridors' for marine fuels and regional certification standards. The brief emphasizes that social acceptance, particularly regarding water scarcity and community consultation, is essential for the sector's viability.

The Canadian Climate Institute advocates for the federal government to accelerate the modernization of industrial carbon pricing to address economic uncertainty and climate goals. The author proposes three primary actions: strengthening emissions performance standards to prevent credit gluts, harmonizing and linking provincial carbon markets to remove trade barriers, and providing long-term policy certainty through price trajectories beyond 2030 and carbon contracts for difference. The document argues that the current 2026 review timeline for provincial and territorial systems is too slow and should be accelerated to protect investment and competitiveness against global peers like the EU, UK, and China.

The Canadian Climate Institute advocates for the modernization of industrial carbon pricing as a top federal priority to counter economic uncertainty and maintain competitiveness against China and Europe. The author proposes three main improvements: strengthening emission performance standards to prevent credit market saturation, interconnecting provincial carbon markets to increase liquidity and remove interprovincial trade barriers, and providing long-term policy certainty through price trajectories beyond 2030 and carbon contracts for difference. The document urges the federal government to accelerate the review process for provincial and territorial systems, which is currently slated for 2026.

The document argues that Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries must implement coordinated national and regional strategies to decarbonise heavy industries like refining and ammonia production. It identifies four priority actions: cost-competitive policy design, targeted deployment in industrial clusters, shared financial risk schemes, and cross-border collaboration for infrastructure. The analysis highlights that CEE accounts for nearly 25% of EU hydrogen consumption, with Poland as the dominant user, and emphasizes that the lack of domestic regulatory frameworks for CO2 storage in Poland currently forces a reliance on more expensive export options.

The Lobito Corridor is positioned as a transformative route for critical raw materials (CRMs) from the Copperbelt of the DRC and Zambia to the port of Lobito in Angola, aimed at supporting the global green energy transition. While it promises significant reductions in transport time and costs, and has attracted up to USD 6 billion in funding from the US, EU, and other institutions, the project faces substantial risks. These include geopolitical competition with China, which dominates regional mining and infrastructure, and concerns over 'modern plundering' where raw materials are exported without local value addition. Furthermore, the project faces sustainability challenges regarding human rights in cobalt mines, land tenure disputes, and the regulation of artisanal and small-scale mining. The re-election of Donald Trump is identified as a major risk factor that could lead to the freezing of US federal and USAID funding, potentially shifting the project's control toward Chinese interests.

The report evaluates the use of bio-based materials from agricultural and forestry residues as a mechanism for carbon dioxide removal (CDR) in the building sector. Using BEAM life cycle assessment software, it estimates a cumulative global carbon removal capacity of 3.6 Gt CO2 by 2050, with an additional 16.5 Gt CO2 in avoided emissions. The analysis highlights that while non-timber biomass offers significant potential, the integration of mass timber could increase storage by fivefold. Implementation is hindered by challenges in carbon accounting, durability, and building code compliance, though emerging policies in the EU, Canada, and the US are beginning to incentivize biogenic carbon storage.

The document argues that traditional nationalistic industrial models must shift toward collaborative frameworks to avoid excluding developing nations from green value chains. It suggests strategies such as disaggregating energy-intensive production to regions with abundant renewables, moving from 'technology transfer' to 'sharing of know-how', and utilizing industrial clusters to reduce costs and aggregate demand. The paper emphasizes the role of Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs) in providing concessional capital and the potential for 'climate-smart' public-private partnerships, including philanthropic funding, to bridge financial gaps. It highlights the importance of regional trade frameworks and the need to recycle revenues from carbon border measures back into developing economies to catalyze green industrialisation.

The document examines the differing motivations for green industrialisation between African nations, which prioritise economic diversification and job creation, and high-income countries, which focus on decarbonisation and geopolitical competitiveness. It highlights the financial gap facing developing countries, noting that adaptation finance needs are projected to reach USD 215-387 billion annually until 2030. The author argues that while developed nations use industrial policies to secure critical raw materials and maintain a competitive edge, Africa seeks to transition from raw material exports to value addition. To bridge these gaps, the paper recommends that the G20 facilitate affordable green technology transfer, coordinate non-debt-creating climate finance, and support the establishment of mineral value chains close to their source in Africa.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) argues that the EU must update its Nuclear Illustrative Programme (PINC) to better support nuclear energy through technology-neutral state aid, streamlined regulatory frameworks for Small Modular Reactors (SMRs), and strengthened domestic fuel supply chains to reduce reliance on Russia.

The document highlights how the plastics industry uses tactics like manufacturing doubt and securing privileged access to influence negotiations, noting that over 220 lobbyists attended the INC-5 session. It recommends embedding conflict of interest safeguards directly into the treaty text, including the preamble and science policy bodies, to protect public health and environmental goals from undue economic influence.

The document warns that the plastics and petrochemical industries are using tactics similar to those of the fossil fuel and tobacco industries to influence the Global Plastics Treaty negotiations. It highlights a significant increase in industry lobbyists at the INC-5 session, who outnumber delegations from the European Union, Pacific Islands, and Latin American countries. The brief recommends incorporating conflict-of-interest protections directly into the treaty's preamble, scientific bodies, and articles concerning financial mechanisms and technology transfer to ensure the agreement's effectiveness in protecting public health and the environment.

The report examines the application of transition finance tools—including loans and bonds—to support the decarbonisation of China's steel sector, highlighting the role of regional guidelines in Hebei Province. It identifies a significant funding gap, estimating a need for $18 billion in capital expenditure over the next five years for electric arc furnace (EAF) and hydrogen-based direct reduced iron (H2-DRI) technologies. While large state-owned enterprises are leading the transition, the report notes that high costs of green steel and limited scrap steel supply remain major barriers.

The report examines how transition finance is being leveraged to decarbonise China's steel industry, focusing on the impact of the first subnational regulatory framework introduced in Hebei Province in December 2023. It finds that the market responded quickly to these guidelines, with steel transition loans in Hebei exceeding CNY20bn (USD2.8bn) by the end of 2024. The document estimates that the sector requires at least USD18bn in capex over the next five years to invest in electric arc furnaces (EAF), direct reduced iron (DRI) shaft furnaces, and electrolysers. While large state-owned enterprises lead in transition planning, smaller firms face greater financing gaps. The report recommends that the People's Bank of China introduce further incentives, such as interest subsidies, and that steel companies secure offtake contracts to improve the bankability of green steel projects.

The document examines the opacity of EU trilogue negotiations, where 89% of legislative files reached agreement in the first reading during the 2014-2019 term. It argues that the current lack of transparency allows privileged industry lobbyists access while excluding civil society and enables Member States to later contradict agreed-upon positions, as seen with the Nature Restoration Law and the Corporate Sustainable Due Diligence Directive. The briefing rejects arguments that transparency would entrench negotiator positions, citing CJEU rulings, and asserts that reactive access requests under Regulation 1049/2001 are insufficient due to systemic delays. It recommends the proactive publication of 'four-column documents', agendas, and calendars, and suggests specific regulatory amendments for the European Parliament, Council, and Commission to formalise this openness.

The briefing highlights the failure of the UK Department for Transport (DfT) to hold auto manufacturers accountable for illegal defeat devices, which allow vehicles to exceed emissions limits. Citing ICCT analysis, it suggests 2.4 million UK vehicles may be affected. Commissioned research from the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air estimates that since 2009, excess emissions from these devices have caused 16,000 premature deaths and a £96bn economic burden in the UK, with further significant health and financial costs projected through 2040 if no action is taken.