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The report argues that Poland, as one of Europe's most carbon-intensive economies, must adopt a diversified technology portfolio to achieve climate neutrality. It recommends a shift from coal (currently 70% of the power mix) toward a combination of renewables, nuclear energy, carbon capture and storage (CCS), clean hydrogen, and superhot rock geothermal energy. The authors emphasize that restricting technology options would significantly increase system costs and infrastructure needs. Key policy recommendations include implementing 'carbon contracts for difference' to advance CCS, prioritizing clean hydrogen for 'no regrets' industrial sectors, and reforming the nuclear industry through standardized, product-based business models. Additionally, the report calls for urgent action to reduce methane emissions from the oil and gas sector and the mapping of thousands of abandoned wells. Public polling indicates strong Polish support for advanced nuclear (63%) and superhot rock energy (66%).

The Targeting Natural Resource Corruption (TNRC) project, implemented from 2018 to 2024 by WWF and a consortium of partners, focused on mitigating the impact of corruption on biodiversity, fisheries, and forests. With a $10 million knowledge project and $20 million in country-based investments, the initiative developed over 150 resources via a Knowledge Hub and trained more than 1,200 NGO staff. The project field-tested anti-corruption interventions in six countries and co-founded the Countering Environmental Practitioners Forum, which now includes over 600 global members.

The author contends that the EU's green agenda has lost momentum and calls for a deep economic transformation. Key proposals include shifting from unanimity to qualified majority voting in the European Council to implement taxes on fossil fuel profits and billionaires, phasing out fossil gas by 2035, and reforming global financial architectures to support the Global South. The text emphasizes that a sustainable economy must integrate strict social and environmental standards for public subsidies and transition toward a circular economy to reduce overproduction and energy waste.

The author calls for the EU to relaunch its climate ambitions through a transition that combines aggressive decarbonization with social justice. Key proposals include shifting to qualified majority voting to implement wealth and fossil fuel taxes, establishing a plan to exit fossil gas by 2035, and reforming global financial architectures to support the Global South. The text emphasizes that a sustainable economy requires a circular model, the removal of polluting subsidies, and strict social and environmental standards for private sector public support.

The report argues that Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries can significantly lower wholesale power prices and enhance energy security by accelerating the deployment of wind and solar energy. By targeting 200 GW of capacity by 2030, the region could reach a 63% share of renewables in electricity generation. The analysis emphasizes that cross-country collaboration is essential to unlock over 100 GW of offshore wind potential and that aligning national strategies with EU policy could unlock approximately €137 billion in public funding.

The report analyzes 588 peer-reviewed publications to map countermeasures against digital misinformation. It identifies four primary strategies—corrective information, information and media literacy, content moderation, and content labeling—but finds a significant gap in empirical validation, as less than one-fifth of the reviewed studies report on the effectiveness of their proposed solutions.

The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is criticized for prioritizing fossil gas infrastructure over renewable energy, which risks locking in emissions beyond 2050 and violating the EU's Climate Law. As of July 2021, fossil gas projects outnumber renewables in the 3SI database by more than two to one. Many of these gas projects are described as 'zombie projects'—outdated relics that have failed to attract financing or remain unutilized, such as the BRUA and Eastring pipelines. The document highlights that EU gas consumption must decline sharply to meet a 55% emissions reduction by 2030. While the 3SI Investment Fund (3SIIF) recently made its first energy investment in solar developer Enery Development, the briefing argues that significant political and financial shifts, including from the US, are needed to catalyze the region's renewable energy potential and align with the 'Fit for 55' package.

The author traces the trajectory of Polish green politics, noting an initial wave of activism in the 1980s that faded during the post-1989 transition due to economic hardship and a pro-modernization discourse. After a period of political marginalization and the formation of the Green party (Zieloni) in 2004, green issues gained traction as a field of political contestation under the Law and Justice (PiS) government. By 2019, green politics achieved a breakthrough, with the Greens entering parliament as part of a coalition with Civic Platform (PO), though this raises concerns about potential ideological assimilation and greenwashing.

Ember argues that the 4th Projects of Common Interest (PCI) list should be the last to include fossil gas projects, as current infrastructure is sufficient and demand is projected to decrease by 2030. The organization advocates for prioritizing renewable energy sources (RES), energy storage, and smart grid technologies to meet EU emission targets, while suggesting that the responsibility for writing the Ten-Year Network Development Plan (TYNDP) be expanded beyond the two ENTSOs to reduce conflicts of interest.

The author traces the trajectory of Polish green politics, noting an initial wave of activism in the 1980s that faded during the 1990s transition due to rapid deindustrialisation and a political culture that prioritised modernisation over ecology. The text details the failure of 'neoliberal environmentalism' under the Buzek government and the subsequent struggle of the Zieloni 2004 party to overcome a restrictive electoral system. Despite these hurdles, the Greens acted as 'pioneer species' by introducing gender parity, supporting LGBT rights, and exploring 'just transition' concepts. The analysis concludes with the 2019 entry of Greens into Parliament via a coalition with Civic Platform (PO), while noting the ongoing tension between achieving political relevance and risking ideological assimilation.

Carbon Market Watch argues that while the proposed EU state aid guidelines for indirect cost compensation under the EU ETS show improvement by reducing eligible sectors and requiring energy efficiency investments, they remain insufficient. The author contends that there is no evidence of carbon leakage to justify these subsidies, which cost nearly 1.2 billion Euros between 2017 and 2018, and argues that EU ETS auctioning revenues should be used entirely for carbon neutrality rather than being returned to industry.

The report analyzes climate policy performance in the transport and buildings sectors across CEE countries, highlighting specific successful initiatives. In transport, it identifies Romania's 'Rabla' car scrappage scheme, Hungary's Jedlik Ányos Action Plan for electric vehicles, Poland's electric bus rollout, Slovakia's railway modernization, and the Czech Republic's integrated public transport laws as regional benchmarks. In the buildings sector, it highlights Romania's EIB-financed thermal insulation, Slovakia's long-term retrofit support, Poland's solar collector promotion, and the Czech Republic's heat pump subsidies. The document argues that these 'first mover' experiences can be transferred across the region to accelerate the low-emission transition.

The author argues that while Central and Eastern Europe has a long tradition of informal mutual help and solidarity practices, these have historically functioned as 'bottom-up subsidies' to capital by absorbing the costs of social reproduction. The paper suggests that for a modern solidarity economy to be emancipative in this region, it must move beyond mere survival strategies and address the hierarchical, patriarchal, and extractive nature of existing informal networks.

A coalition of 31 networks and organizations calls on EU Environment Ministers to reform the EU ETS by excluding coal investments from the Modernization Fund and article 10c, maintaining the 2013 base year for eligibility to prevent lignite plant subsidies in Greece, and establishing a Just Transition Fund.

A coalition of 31 environmental organisations calls for a meaningful carbon price and reformed funding mechanisms within the EU ETS revision to phase out fossil fuels and support a just transition in Europe.

The document argues that EU climate tools must be reformed to support a low-carbon transition in Central and Eastern Europe, specifically calling for a 55% emission reduction target by 2030 and the phase-out of fossil fuel and nuclear energy subsidies.

The open letter argues that the EU ETS currently sustains coal infrastructure through low carbon prices and the misuse of Article 10c and the Modernisation Fund. The signatories call for a tighter ETS cap to increase carbon prices and the explicit exclusion of coal-related investments from funding mechanisms to avoid locking Central and Eastern Europe into coal dependency.

A coalition of networks and organizations calls for an ambitious revision of the EU ETS to stop the use of Article 10c and the Modernisation Fund for fossil fuel capacity, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe. They advocate for a higher carbon price to disincentivize coal and the redirection of funds toward energy efficiency and renewable energy.

The document examines the AAU market from 2008 to 2012, focusing on how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries used Green Investment Schemes (GIS) to transform 'hot air'—surplus emission rights resulting from economic downturns—into funding for climate mitigation. It analyzes the strategies of seller countries like Estonia and the Czech Republic, which were successful due to transparent monitoring, and buyer countries like Japan and Spain, which used these deals for technology exports. The report highlights a significant price drop in AAUs by 2012 and discusses the potential for GIS to inform future fund-based mechanisms like NAMAs in developing countries.

The report analyzes Green Investment Schemes (GIS) as a hybrid carbon finance mechanism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) that 'greens' surplus Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) by earmarking sales revenues for domestic climate mitigation. It argues that GIS can overcome the failures of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and Joint Implementation (JI)—particularly in energy efficiency and small-scale projects—by utilizing more flexible, programmatic architectures and simplified monitoring and verification (M&V). The report identifies the thermal retrofitting of old building stock as a high-priority target area due to its long-term climate impact and significant social co-benefits. It provides specific architectural recommendations, such as the use of sectoral baselines, post-2012 crediting periods, and the dominance of 'hard greening' to ensure environmental integrity.