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The WWF Australian Wildlife and Nature Recovery Fund was launched to address the catastrophic impacts of the 2019-2020 Australian bushfire season, which killed an estimated 1.25 billion native animals and burned over 42 million acres. The fund reached its AUD$30 million goal, with AUD$9 million contributed from the US. As of May 2020, 80% of these funds were allocated to urgent wildlife care, supporting 64 projects including veterinary services and the use of drones and detection dogs. The fund's strategy is divided into three phases: immediate response (Phase I), habitat protection and restoration (Phase II), and long-term future-proofing (Phase III), which includes influencing the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act review and promoting the transition to renewables. Specific initiatives include koala rehabilitation at Healesville Sanctuary and the Phillip Island Nature Parks, and a collaboration with the Jali Local Aboriginal Council for species detection in the Ngunya Jargoon Indigenous Protected Area.

Green banks are public or quasi-public entities designed to leverage public funds to attract private capital for low-carbon, climate-resilient investments. They address market gaps by reducing perceived risks for private investors through innovative financial tools, helping countries implement their nationally determined contributions (NDCs). Examples include the UK Green Investment Bank, which leveraged £4 of private investment for every £1 of public funds, and Australia's Clean Energy Finance Corporation, which has invested in over 110 transactions to avoid an estimated 190 million tons of CO2.

The author contends that the world's failure to prepare for the coronavirus pandemic demonstrates a need for a dedicated international organization to treat pandemics as global security problems. This proposed institution would be a public-private enterprise featuring a Scientific Advisory Board, a 24/7 Situation Centre, and Rapid Response Assistance Teams. The author suggests using the Biological Weapons Convention as a legal framework and proposes that a coalition including the European Union, ASEAN, the United Kingdom, Japan, and Australia could provide the necessary leadership to establish the body.

A joint letter from various environmental and climate organizations calling on global insurance associations to ensure COVID-19 stimulus packages support a low-carbon transition rather than fossil fuel industries, while urging the insurance sector to end coverage for coal and oil and gas expansion.

The statement argues that the COVID-19 pandemic has created an urgent need for governments to focus all resources on public health, specifically the procurement of medical supplies, vaccines, and medicines. It calls for the immediate suspension of trade and investment negotiations at the WTO, bilateral, and regional levels, asserting that such activities divert critical resources and personnel. The authors highlight that intellectual property rules under the WTO's TRIPS agreement and free trade agreements may obstruct the affordability and accessibility of life-saving supplies. The document demands the removal of all trade barriers and unilateral sanctions that hinder medical procurement and urges a fundamental rethink of trade rules that encourage monopolies and limit healthcare access.

Friends of the Earth International and a broad coalition of global endorsers call for an immediate cessation of trade and investment treaty negotiations. They argue that governments, particularly in developing and least developed countries, lack the resources to engage in these negotiations while managing the COVID-19 health crisis. The statement demands that trade negotiators focus exclusively on removing obstacles, such as intellectual property rules and unilateral sanctions, that hinder access to affordable vaccines, medicines, and diagnostics.

Japan has provided over US$17.5 billion in public finance for 21 GW of coal power abroad since 2013, often justifying this by claiming to support "best available technologies" like ultra-supercritical plants. However, the document asserts that these plants are still too polluting to meet Paris Agreement goals and that Japan's withdrawal would not prevent the use of inferior technologies, as China and South Korea are also major funders. Furthermore, the briefing notes that Japanese-funded overseas projects often use inferior emission controls compared to domestic standards and that coal is increasingly an unsafe investment compared to cheaper solar and wind power.

The briefing warns that emergency government responses to the COVID-19 pandemic—such as lockdowns, medical supply requisitions, and export bans—create an unprecedented risk of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims under over 3,000 investment treaties. It highlights the unpredictability of arbitration tribunals and the high cost of defense, citing historical examples from Argentina and Egypt where states faced multi-billion dollar awards. The authors call for a coordinated global response, potentially through the UN or WTO, to suspend ISDS for pandemic measures or issue joint interpretations of the 'state of necessity' defense. As an interim measure, it suggests states may withdraw their consent to arbitration.

The briefing warns that emergency COVID-19 measures—such as lockdowns, nationalization of health services, and export bans—risk triggering a wave of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims under over 3,000 investment treaties. It highlights the unpredictability of arbitration tribunals and the high cost of defense, which can average 8 million USD per case. Using historical examples like Argentina's 2001 crisis, the document illustrates how such claims can result in billions of dollars in awards, potentially undermining national health budgets and IMF rescue packages. The authors call for a coordinated global response via the UN, UNCTAD, or UNCITRAL to suspend arbitration for COVID-19 measures or issue joint interpretations of the 'state of necessity' defense. As an interim measure, it suggests that states may unilaterally withdraw their consent to arbitration.

The document outlines how developing countries can use tax policy to support the mining sector during the COVID-19 crisis. It identifies sector impacts, such as mine closures in Mongolia, Peru, Bolivia, and Madagascar, and fluctuating commodity prices. The guide recommends targeted relief for companies in severe financial distress, suggesting options like deferring payroll taxes, speeding up VAT refunds, and granting import duty relief. It explicitly advises against income tax holidays and withholding tax relief, while proposing that any state aid be conditioned on worker retention and the abandonment of aggressive tax avoidance.

The document outlines how governments in resource-rich developing countries can use fiscal policy to support the mining sector during the COVID-19 crisis. It identifies short-term impacts such as operational suspensions in Mongolia, Peru, Bolivia, and Madagascar, and fluctuating commodity prices. The guide recommends targeted tax relief—such as deferring payroll taxes, accelerating VAT refunds, and providing import duty relief—only for companies demonstrating severe economic distress. It emphasizes that such support should be conditional on maintaining employment, suspending executive bonuses, and adopting transparent pricing and tax practices. The guide warns against general income tax exemptions and the removal of withholding taxes on non-residents, as these are inefficient or risky for developing states.

The document outlines how governments in developing countries can use fiscal policy to support the mining sector during the COVID-19 crisis. It identifies specific pandemic-driven impacts—such as mine closures, fluctuating commodity prices, and supply chain disruptions—and proposes targeted relief options including the deferral of social charges, VAT credits, and royalty exemptions. The guide emphasizes that aid should be conditional on job retention and transparency, while warning against broad corporate income tax exemptions.

The paper analyses the socio-economic effects of mine closures on women and youth, highlighting how traditional gender roles and lack of skills create vulnerabilities. It argues that past policy responses, such as retraining and job placement, often failed to address these inequities, and recommends more inclusive, multi-stakeholder planning for future low-carbon transitions.

The Bering Strait is experiencing a significant increase in vessel transits due to climate-driven sea ice decline and the expansion of the Northern Sea Route. This growth elevates risks of oil spills, ship strikes on marine mammals, and pollution in a biologically productive region vital to Indigenous subsistence. While the IMO approved two-way routes and Areas to Be Avoided in 2018, the report argues that current frameworks like the Polar Code have gaps regarding heavy fuel oil and underwater noise. WWF recommends that the US and Russia collaborate to implement e-navigation technologies, a joint Sea Traffic Coordination Center, and a transboundary Area to Be Avoided around the Diomede Islands, alongside industry-led speed restrictions and zero-discharge zones.

The document outlines WWF-Australia's two-wave response to the 2019-2020 bushfires. Wave 1 focused on emergency wildlife response, including food drops for brush-tailed rock-wallabies, veterinary triage for koalas, and monitoring the Kangaroo Island dunnart. Wave 2 shifts toward long-term goals: protecting unburnt habitat, advocating for the 'endangered' listing of koalas under the EPBC Act, and promoting Australia as a renewable energy exporter by 2030. The response integrates corporate partnerships and traditional owner knowledge to future-proof landscapes against a warming climate.

The document analyzes the drivers of zoonotic disease emergence, emphasizing the role of human-animal-environment interfaces. It identifies land-use change, agricultural intensification, and wildlife trade as primary direct drivers that increase human exposure to pathogens. The brief proposes a systems approach to identify leverage points for intervention, such as regulating high-risk wildlife taxa in markets and re-engineering food supply chains, while warning against rushed interventions that could undermine food security or drive illegal trade. It also examines the role of climate change in expanding the range of endemic diseases and explores future scenarios for human health and conservation.

The author contends that the media's ability to define reality is evident in its exhaustive coverage of COVID-19, contrasting this with the historically lower priority given to the climate crisis. The text argues that the perceived immediacy of the pandemic versus the perceived abstraction of climate change is a faulty distinction, as climate-related disasters are already impacting millions. It suggests that newsrooms should apply the same 'all-hands-on-deck' approach to climate reporting, focusing on 'flattening the curve' of greenhouse gas emissions. Additionally, the document highlights how overlapping crises—such as floods in the American Midwest occurring alongside the pandemic—and the shared origins of climate and COVID-19 misinformation further underscore the need for urgent, high-profile climate journalism.

The Institute for Economic Justice argues that South Africa must implement bold, decisive economic stimulus measures focused on four objectives: supporting households and communities, protecting workers, sustaining businesses, and managing the economy for long-term transformation. The authors advocate for universal income transfers, emergency paid sick pay, conditional business relief, and a 'Green New Deal' to ensure a more equitable and sustainable recovery. They emphasize that financing these measures should avoid austerity-driven reprioritization and instead rely on solidarity taxation and increased borrowing.

The author contends that the EU's current trade policy is characterized by an 'inertia' that prioritizes unconditional liberalization over environmental and social goals. While the EU aims for carbon neutrality via the Green Deal, its trade framework continues to promote 'new generation' bilateral agreements that limit state sovereignty through investor-state dispute settlements and 'living agreements' that bypass democratic control. The text argues that the EU remains a net importer of carbon, with one-third of its footprint stemming from imports, and calls for a shift toward trade regulation that conditions market access on the achievement of environmental and social objectives.

The paper analyzes how the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework on Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) proposals—specifically Pillar 1 and Pillar 2—could affect the mining industry. It argues for the exclusion of the entire mining value chain from Pillar 1's 'Amount A' to protect the taxing rights of resource-rich countries and expresses concern that 'Amount B' and 'Amount C' could legitimize offshore marketing hubs and shift profits away from source countries. Regarding Pillar 2 (Global Anti-Base Erosion), the author supports a minimum tax to reduce costly tax competition but emphasizes that the rate must align with the mining sector's typically higher statutory rates (25% to 35%) and that mineral royalties should be excluded from the minimum effective rate calculation.