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G7 countries are on track to miss their 2025 deadline to phase out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies, with total subsidies reaching a record USD 282 billion in 2023. The surge was primarily driven by consumer subsidies for natural gas and petroleum to mitigate energy price volatility following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. While some members have implemented domestic reforms or joined coalitions like COFFIS and CETP, the author argues that the G7 must now drop the 'inefficient' qualifier, establish national action plans, and prohibit all subsidies to coal and fossil fuel production to align with 1.5°C climate pathways.

The report argues that while phasing out oil and gas is essential to meet the 1.5C Paris Agreement goals, the threat of investor-state arbitration often creates a 'regulatory chill' that discourages ambitious climate action. It identifies that legal risks increase as a project progresses through its life cycle, with the highest risks associated with targeting the production phase. To mitigate these risks, the authors propose five principles: stopping the issuance of new licenses, managing investor expectations through long-term frameworks and early notice, grounding policies in legislation and scientific evidence, leveraging existing environmental regulations, and ensuring consistent application across all investors. The report specifically suggests that governments should prioritize a managed phase-out with clear end dates and consider an internationally legally binding instrument to harmonize production deadlines and exclude arbitration rights for fossil fuel investors.

Rick Smith, President of the Canadian Climate Institute, asserts that industrial carbon pricing is Canada's most effective tool for emissions reductions, providing three times the impact of consumer carbon taxes without increasing consumer costs. He warns that eliminating these systems would create business uncertainty, jeopardize $5 billion in credit values in Alberta, and undermine exports to the UK and EU due to emerging carbon tariffs.

The 2024 Independent Assessment finds that Canadian carbon pricing systems are effective, delivering between a third and a half of all projected emissions reductions by 2030. While systems have harmonized in coverage and stringency since 2020, some large-emitter trading systems (LETS) in Alberta, British Columbia, and Saskatchewan are at risk of losing effectiveness due to credit oversupply and adverse policy interactions. The report also notes that while LETS generally mitigate competitiveness risks for large emitters, small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) face varied exposure, with some sectors like water and truck transportation showing high vulnerability.

The 2024 independent evaluation finds that Canada's carbon pricing systems are effective, contributing between one-third and one-half of all projected emission reductions from climate policies by 2030. While systems are more harmonized than in 2020, the report warns that the rigor of some industrial exchange systems (SEGE) could erode by 2030 due to an oversupply of credits caused by overlapping policies. Coverage is broad, encompassing 77% of national emissions, though gaps remain in heating oil and agricultural fuels. Competitiveness risks for large emitters are generally mitigated through design features and subsidies, while small-to-medium enterprises (SMEs) face varying pressures, partially offset by new federal revenue recycling mechanisms.

The briefing outlines five essential characteristics for effective industrial carbon pricing in Canada: healthy credit markets, equity between companies, strategic revenue use, transparency, and policy certainty. It warns that current systems in several provinces are underperforming due to oversupply of credits and unfair performance standards, which could halve their effectiveness in reducing emissions if not addressed.

The guide explains how climate change influences spring weather, noting that warmer temperatures increase the frequency of large hail and heavy rainfall, while tornado patterns are shifting in location and timing despite complex overall trends.

The report documents how at least 39 oil and gas companies and 12 industry-tied organizations influence Canadian K–12 education through branded materials, government partnerships, and funding of third-party nonprofits. It argues that this 'petro-pedagogy' obscures the industry's role in climate change, promotes individual action over systemic change, and creates a conflict of interest in classrooms. The authors call for immediate policy action at federal, provincial, and local levels to implement comprehensive, science-based climate education free from corporate interference.

The report finds that continuing current housing development patterns in Canada could lead to hundreds of thousands of new homes being built in high-hazard flood and wildfire zones by 2030. This trajectory could increase annual flood losses by up to $2 billion and wildfire losses by $1.1 billion. The analysis highlights significant gaps in provincial and territorial land use policies, which often delegate risk management to under-resourced municipalities. It also identifies moral hazards in disaster assistance programs and a critical lack of up-to-date hazard mapping and real estate disclosure. The report recommends that governments implement nationally consistent risk standards, reform disaster aid to deter risky development, and mandate hazard disclosure in real estate transactions to ensure housing affordability is not undermined by climate-driven destruction.

The Canadian Climate Institute warns that current land-use policies could lead to over 540,000 new homes being built in flood-risk zones and 220,000 in high-wildfire-risk areas by 2030. This trajectory could increase annual flood damages by up to $2 billion and wildfire damages by $1.1 billion. The report identifies critical gaps in provincial regulations, a lack of up-to-date risk mapping, and 'moral hazard' created by disaster assistance programs that encourage risky construction. It recommends strengthening land-use regulations, integrating risk data into housing and infrastructure funding, and mandating risk disclosure during real estate transactions.

The report explains that while provinces have broad authority over natural resources, the Canadian federal government can regulate oil and gas development through various 'heads of power' in the Constitution. It details the legal doctrines used by courts to resolve jurisdictional overlaps, such as 'double aspect' and 'incidental effects,' and analyzes twelve specific federal powers—including criminal law, fisheries, and interprovincial works—that allow the federal government to influence the oil and gas life cycle from production to closure.

The report argues that while Canadian federal infrastructure programs generally allow for natural infrastructure, significant design gaps—such as high funding thresholds, lack of capacity-building support, and a focus on new 'tangible capital assets' over existing ecosystem preservation—stymie widespread adoption. It evaluates programs like the ICIP, CCBF, and DMAF against 14 enabling criteria, finding that most fail to prompt or require the consideration of natural solutions. The report recommends a 'natural infrastructure-first' approach, differentiated support for rural and underserved communities, and the integration of natural infrastructure into housing and biodiversity policies to address interconnected crises.

The document highlights the escalating risk of wildfires in Canada, using the Jasper, Alberta fire as a case study to illustrate the dangers of fragmented governance and outdated policies. It proposes a three-pronged adaptation toolkit focusing on restricting new development in high-risk areas, retrofitting existing buildings with FireSmart materials, and implementing landscape-level risk reduction such as fuel thinning and Indigenous cultural burning.

The document highlights the urgent need for Canada to enhance wildfire preparedness, citing the Jasper fire as a critical warning. It identifies gaps in current zoning and governance and proposes a three-pronged adaptation toolkit involving land-use regulation, building retrofits, and landscape-level fuel management.

The briefing identifies five priority areas for Canada to eliminate fossil fuel subsidies: reforming major tax credits, addressing losses from the Trans Mountain Pipeline expansion, ending support for carbon capture and storage, stopping LNG infrastructure subsidies, and ensuring low-carbon funds do not benefit fossil fuel companies. It highlights a lack of transparency, noting Canada failed to publish a promised inventory of subsidies by December 2024. The document also details provincial-level subsidies, including fuel tax cuts and infrastructure support, and calls for a comprehensive inventory of all financial supports to the sector.

The Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) identified 545 domestic extremist accounts in Canada, analyzing 413,288 posts across platforms like X and Telegram. The study found that while the volume of hate speech decreased by 34% from the previous period, anti-migrant and antisemitic content remained prevalent. Violent speech peaked in January 2025, coinciding with Justin Trudeau's resignation and Donald Trump's rhetoric regarding Canada. Key narratives included misogyny, conspiracy theories surrounding Romana Didulo, and anti-government sentiment. The report also highlights a 'Revolutionary Movementarianism' strategy aimed at blending public political activism with the secret build-up of paramilitary structures.

The report identifies 545 domestic extremist accounts in Canada, analyzing over 413,000 posts. It finds that ethnonationalists and white supremacists are the most prolific, while anti-Muslim extremists achieve the highest engagement. Hate speech decreased by 34% from the previous period, with migrants and Jewish people being the primary targets. The document also introduces a new analysis of violent speech, noting peaks coinciding with political events like Justin Trudeau's resignation and Donald Trump's rhetoric regarding Canada.

The petition argues that the 1993 Recovery Plan's compartmentalized approach of managing grizzly bears in isolated recovery areas is outdated and fails to ensure long-term genetic and demographic resiliency. It proposes a unified metapopulation framework that manages bears as a single interconnected population across the Northern Rockies, requiring the establishment of natural connectivity and the implementation of stricter regulatory mechanisms to reduce human-caused mortality. The petitioners oppose current efforts by Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming to delist grizzly bears, asserting that recovery is premature without a connected metapopulation and durable protections against threats such as habitat fragmentation, climate change, and lethal management policies.

The document describes Canada's dual-track carbon pricing approach, distinguishing between consumer carbon taxes and industrial systems for large emitters. It details two primary industrial models—emissions-intensity based systems and cap-and-trade systems—and compares their application across different Canadian jurisdictions, highlighting the specific frameworks used in Alberta, Quebec, and the federal backstop system.

Canada employs a dual carbon pricing approach consisting of a consumer carbon price and an industrial carbon price for large emitters. To prevent carbon leakage and protect trade-exposed industries, Canada utilizes large-emitter trading systems (LETS), which primarily take the form of intensity-based systems or cap-and-trade. There are nine LETS across the country, including the federal output-based pricing system (OBPS) and Alberta's Technology Innovation and Emissions Reduction (TIER) Regulation, the latter being the largest due to Alberta's share of industrial emissions. Quebec operates the only cap-and-trade system in Canada, which is integrated with the Western Climate Initiative. The Northwest Territories uses a unique fuel levy with rebates rather than a trading system.