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The report finds that approximately 7% of energy transition mineral mines overlap with Key Biodiversity Areas, affecting an area roughly twice the size of Belgium. While this impact is smaller than that of fossil fuel extraction, the report warns of significant risks to biodiversity and Indigenous rights, advocating for nature-positive spatial planning, circular economy practices, and responsible mining standards to mitigate these harms.

In 2024, the Clean Air Task Force (CATF) focused on defending U.S. EPA pollution standards in court, advancing superhot rock geothermal and nuclear energy, and reducing global methane emissions. The organization also worked on simplifying renewable energy siting in the U.S., analyzing the efficiency of hydrogen and carbon capture, and addressing high capital costs for clean energy in Africa. In Europe, CATF influenced the EU's 2040 climate targets and the Net Zero Industry Act, while continuing state-level implementation of federal funding in the U.S.

The document examines China's role as the dominant economy in the expanded BRICS bloc, arguing that China views the group as a tool to counter Western hegemony and advance its own geopolitical goals, such as the Belt and Road Initiative. While the bloc has achieved significant milestones through the New Development Bank and advocacy for climate justice, the paper highlights severe internal tensions—particularly between China and India—and regional rivalries among new members like Iran and Saudi Arabia that may hinder the bloc's cohesion.

The report presents the business case for limestone calcined clay cement (LC3) as a tool for industry decarbonization. It asserts that LC3 can reduce emissions and provide economic benefits, including rapid payback periods and operational savings, by decreasing the use of carbon-intensive clinker. The findings are based on an analysis of seven scenarios across North America, Europe, Latin America, and Africa.

The document examines the waste management crisis in Africa, specifically focusing on the release of methane and black carbon from open burning and poor landfill practices. It highlights the disproportionate health risks to women and children and the marginalization of informal waste workers. The paper advocates for transitioning to a circular economy and implementing strategies such as composting, anaerobic digestion, and gas capture systems to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and unlock economic value.

The document argues that while the AfCFTA Digital Trade Protocol provides a strategic framework for interoperability, its success depends on member states overcoming 'digital exclusion', characterized by a significant rural-urban divide where rural internet penetration is only 23% compared to 57% in urban areas. To facilitate implementation, the author recommends a tiered approach of 'foundational' and 'catalytic' measures. Foundational steps include investing in broadband, establishing data protection laws, and improving digital literacy. Catalytic steps involve offering incentives for tech startups, supporting local e-commerce platforms, and developing specialized training for MSMEs. The brief specifically suggests that member states amend domestic regulations to allow satellite services like Starlink to mitigate terrestrial connectivity deficits and modernize banking regulations to accommodate fintech. It also warns that the protocol's suggestion to develop rules of origin for digitally delivered services (DDS) departs from the WTO e-commerce moratorium and may be 'costly and prejudicial to businesses'.

The EU and UK have withdrawn from the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT), but a 'sunset clause' in Article 47(3) may extend fossil fuel investment protections for up to 20 years, potentially until 2043. The author contends that the ECT is part of a systemic global issue involving over 2,800 bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and 450 treaties with investment provisions (TIPs) that facilitate investor-State dispute settlement (ISDS) claims against climate policies. Current reform efforts by UNCITRAL, UNCTAD, the WTO, and the OECD are described as fragmented or focused on procedural rather than substantive changes. The document proposes the use of 'inter se' agreements to neutralize sunset clauses and the creation of a legally binding multilateral or plurilateral agreement to immediately remove investment benefits for fossil fuels and align financial flows with Article 2.1(c) of the Paris Agreement.

The report argues that while artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) is a significant but overlooked contributor to the global supply of critical minerals, realizing its full potential requires major policy and regulatory shifts to formalize the sector and mitigate environmental destruction.

The document outlines a strategy for South Africa's 2025 G20 presidency to address the deepening financial crisis in Africa, where debt servicing often exceeds spending on health or education. It critiques the current global governance architecture, noting the IMF's diminished bargaining power and the complexity of modern bondholder-led debt. The author proposes three priorities: establishing general principles for holistic debt restructuring based on norms like 'optimality' and 'responsibility'; utilizing the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable (GSDR) to study the failures of the Common Framework and Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI); and addressing the debate between whether African debt is primarily a liquidity or solvency issue to restore access to finance.

The document examines the potential for rechannelling Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) from wealthy IMF member states to Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs), specifically the African Development Bank (AfDB), to address Africa's annual financing gap of over $400 billion. It details a proposal where SDRs would serve as hybrid capital, allowing the AfDB to leverage funds up to four times on capital markets. The brief identifies significant political and legal barriers, including the European Central Bank's (ECB) monetary financing prohibition and the lack of formal commitment from major holders like China, Japan, and the US. It recommends that South Africa's G20 presidency use diplomacy to seek ECB clarification, coordinate a Liquidity Support Agreement (LSA) with bilateral partners, and explore innovative fiscal tools such as SDR bonds or direct allocations to prescribed holders.

The document reflects on the 'Reimagining Development Cooperation: Pragmatic Pathways for Africa-Germany Relations' event held in Berlin on January 24, 2024. It argues that the current relationship is rooted in a 'neocolonial model' characterized by unequal raw materials acquisition and a lack of value addition within African economies. Key discussions centered on the need to move beyond 'North-South' labels, the importance of industrialisation, and the necessity of shifting from a 'help partnership' to one based on mutual benefit and African leadership in agenda-setting. While the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) suggests 'refocusing' the relationship via its Africa Strategy, other participants called for a complete 'uprooting and disruption' of the current system to address colonial legacies and debt issues.

African countries face a deepening financial crisis where debt servicing obligations constrain the policy space needed for climate and development goals. The document highlights that total public debt in Africa reached $1.8 trillion in 2022, with 23 countries spending more on debt service than on health or education. To address this, the author suggests that South Africa's G20 presidency should advocate for negotiations that integrate a debtor's financial obligations with its environmental and social commitments, noting that Africa requires $1.3 trillion annually for SDGs and $1.3–1.6 trillion annually until 2030 for climate change impacts.

The document analyzes the factors driving the high demand for BRICS membership, introducing the concept of 'magnetic pull'—where ideas about development and systemic reform act as coalition magnets. It traces the group's expansion from South Africa's entry in 2010 to the 2023 enlargement (adding Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE) and the 2024 introduction of a 'Partner Country' category. While the group's appeal is rooted in South-South cooperation and de-dollarization, the author notes challenges to internal cohesion and the limits of its attraction, as seen in Argentina's rejection of membership.

The document explores the potential for artificial intelligence (AI) to drive economic growth and strengthen cooperation among BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). It argues that while AI can streamline trade, enhance maritime security, and bolster cybersecurity, the bloc must overcome internal economic imbalances and diverse regulatory approaches. The author highlights existing frameworks like the 2015 MoU on Cooperation in Science, Technology and Innovation and recommends joint R&D, shared ethical guidelines, and infrastructure development to counter the hegemony of the Global North in AI policymaking.

The report outlines a five-step framework for structuring adaptation-focused financial instruments: defining a resilience thesis, building a bankable pipeline, strategically engaging funders, cultivating local collaborations, and measuring impact. It highlights that while adaptation finance lags behind mitigation, private sector opportunities exist if perceived risks are managed through blended finance and simplified structures. Based on 17 adaptation-relevant instruments, the report notes that 12 successfully mobilized capital, totaling USD 1.2 billion, emphasizing the role of technical assistance and concessional capital in de-risking early-stage projects.

The document argues that the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is essential for reversing the marginalisation of African countries in global trade, with the potential to generate $450 billion in additional income by 2035 and lift 30 million people out of absolute poverty. However, full implementation has been delayed since January 2021 due to resource constraints, debt distress in over 50% of African countries, and fears of tariff revenue losses. To address this, the AfCFTA Secretariat introduced the AfCFTA Implementation Review Mechanism (AFIRM) in July 2024. The author suggests that AFIRM should move away from a narrow focus on compliance and instead adopt the broader, transparency-based approach of the WTO's Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM). The TPRM is credited with enhancing adherence through peer pressure and factual reporting without being a tool for dispute settlement, a model that could reduce resistance among AfCFTA state parties.

President Cyril Ramaphosa accepted the G20 Presidency for South Africa, announcing the theme 'Solidarity, Equality and Sustainability'. He committed to advancing the Sustainable Development Goals and the Pact for the Future, while prioritizing inclusive economic growth, food security, and AI for sustainable development. Ramaphosa emphasized the need to address wealth disparities, specifically noting the lack of sustainable financing for climate action and the burden of national debt in developing countries.

The document argues that Africa-EU and Africa-Germany relations are still defined by 'coloniality', manifesting as power imbalances that marginalise African agency. It critiques the EU's security-development nexus and the 'Samoa Agreement' for prioritising European interests, and examines German development aid through the GIZ as often intrusive or tokenistic. The author highlights the exploitation of raw materials and the use of intelligence services to acquire indigenous medicines as contemporary colonial practices. To decolonise, the paper recommends respecting African demands on trade and resource beneficiation, ending the 'Europeanisation' of security missions, and shifting from development aid to industrialisation projects.

South Africa's upcoming G20 presidency is positioned as a critical lever for reforming the global financial architecture to better support African nations facing a severe debt crisis and escalating climate risks. The paper highlights that Africa's debt has surged by 183% since 2010, with 57% of the population living in countries that spend more on interest payments than on healthcare, education, and infrastructure. It critiques existing G20 mechanisms like the Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) and the Common Framework for Debt Treatments for their slow implementation and failure to secure private creditor participation. The author advocates for a holistic approach that links debt sustainability with climate resilience, noting that climate financing needs are projected to exceed USD 10 trillion annually from 2031 to 2050. South Africa's presidency, themed 'solidarity, equality and sustainable development', aims to amplify the voice of the Global South and the African Union within the G20 to secure equitable debt relief and increased concessional finance for climate adaptation.

The document argues that Africa's rising public debt is unsustainable and that current global relief mechanisms, such as the G20 DSSI and the Common Framework, are insufficient. It highlights a shift toward private and non-traditional lenders, which has increased borrowing costs and reduced investment in social services and climate resilience, necessitating a fundamental overhaul of the global financial system.