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The report analyzes Peru's sustainable finance landscape, noting that while it was a regional pioneer with the first green bond in 2014, its GSS+ market has expanded more slowly than its peers. As of April 2022, the market reached approximately USD 6.6bn across 16 deals, dominated by sovereign sustainability bonds. The document identifies significant investment gaps in infrastructure (USD 110bn) and sanitation (USD 22bn), while highlighting opportunities in renewable energy, low-carbon agriculture, and nature-based solutions. It outlines structural barriers such as low market liquidity, currency hedging challenges, and political instability, and recommends the development of a national green finance taxonomy by 2025 to provide clarity and attract capital.

The three largest Japanese banks—Mizuho, MUFG, and SMBC—are criticized for slow progress toward net-zero goals, specifically for continuing to finance companies expanding coal, oil, and gas capacities despite their membership in the Net-Zero Banking Alliance.

A federal court ruling in Montana has halted coal leasing on federal lands, reinstating a moratorium because the environmental and health impacts of coal were insufficiently accounted for. Earthjustice asserts that this creates a critical opening for the Biden administration to move beyond its current support of lease applications and instead phase out coal extraction, increase royalty rates to reflect true costs, and support transitioning coal-mining communities.

The document expresses a mix of support and concern regarding the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022. While praising the $369 billion investment in clean energy, environmental justice, and health affordability, the signatories criticize the bill's continued support for fossil fuel leasing and its reliance on carbon capture and nuclear energy. The organizations call for further executive action to freeze oil and gas permits and the passage of the Environmental Justice for All Act to protect frontline communities.

The document critiques the draft National Land Policy of Mozambique for its limited scope, lack of clarity on land tenure, and failure to integrate climate change strategies and human rights protections. It advocates for the adoption of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), stronger protections for customary land rights, and a coordinated inter-sectoral approach to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions, particularly from the oil and gas industry. The authors emphasize the need for gender equality in land access and the establishment of clear mechanisms to combat corruption and land grabbing.

A survey of over 6,000 respondents in France, Germany, Italy, and Poland reveals strong public support (90% or higher) for regulating methane leaks and equipment standards in the oil and gas industry, including for EU suppliers. While 68% of respondents recognize that atmospheric methane concentrations are increasing and 62% view it as a major climate problem, there is significant confusion regarding the composition of natural gas, with only 42% knowing methane is its largest component. Word associations vary by country; for instance, in Italy, methane and natural gas are viewed as synonyms and are not strongly associated with greenhouse gases.

The document emphasizes the necessity for Indonesia to plan for a just energy transition given the dominant role of coal and oil and gas in its economy. It highlights that coal-fired power plants provide over 60 percent of the country's electricity and that the coal industry employed at least 100,000 people in 2018. The brief warns that current government projections for the coal industry may be overly optimistic and recommends institutionalizing tripartite social dialogue and increasing administrative capacity on just transition to avoid missing the 23% renewable energy target.

Scotland is pursuing an ambitious goal of net-zero emissions by 2045, supported by a National Just Transition Planning Framework and a permanent Just Transition Commission. While the government aims to transition its workforce from the oil and gas sector—which contributed approximately 5% of GDP in 2019—to green jobs in offshore wind and hydrogen, it has not set a definitive end date for oil and gas exploration. The document highlights tensions between government policy and demands from unions and NGOs for greater state intervention, including the nationalization of energy, and notes the lack of a sovereign wealth fund similar to Norway's to support the transition.

The document examines Scotland's efforts to implement a just transition, particularly within its significant North Sea oil and gas sector. It details the establishment of the Just Transition Commission in 2019 and the subsequent creation of a national Just Transition Planning Framework. While Scotland has ambitious targets—including net zero by 2045—the paper notes contradictions, such as the lack of a planned phase-out for oil and gas exploration. It highlights regional economic challenges in areas like Aberdeenshire and discusses various policy responses, including the Green Jobs Fund and 'green freeports'. The analysis concludes with lessons for Canadian governments on defining just transition, making concrete job commitments, and establishing accountability frameworks.

Methane is the second largest contributor to climate change, with a global warming potential 28 times higher than carbon dioxide over 100 years. A proposed EU regulation targets methane emissions from oil, gas, and coal installations through monitoring, reporting, and restrictions on venting and flaring. While the proposal includes information requirements for importers of fossil energy, NGOs and lawmakers have raised concerns regarding the discrepancy in obligations between EU-based operators and foreign suppliers, as well as the absence of binding reduction targets.

Reclaim Finance criticizes SCOR for inconsistencies between its investment strategies and its insurance underwriting, specifically noting that while its asset management subsidiary SCOR IP avoids oil and gas investments, the parent company continues to insure new gas fields and allows exceptions for oil projects.

The report argues that Canada's oil and gas sector must dramatically reduce greenhouse gas emissions, specifically fugitive methane, to survive falling global demand. It proposes a short-term focus on decarbonizing production through a sector-specific emissions cap and a long-term pivot toward becoming 'carbon management' companies. These companies would leverage Canada's geological advantages to produce blue and green hydrogen, low-carbon chemical feedstocks, and carbon-negative products using carbon capture and storage (CCS) and direct air capture.

The report argues that the Canadian oil and gas sector, which accounted for nearly 27% of national greenhouse gas emissions in 2020, must transition to remain competitive as global demand for crude oil is projected to decline by approximately 80% by 2050. Short-term priorities include a drastic reduction of methane fugitive emissions—targeting a 75% reduction by 2030—and the implementation of a sector-specific emissions cap that declines to net-zero by 2050. Long-term, the author proposes that the industry pivot toward producing low-carbon fuels and chemical feedstocks using blue and green hydrogen, carbon capture and storage (CCS), and biomass. The report suggests creating industrial hubs in locations like Fort Saskatchewan and Medicine Hat to coordinate the production and storage of hydrogen, oxygen, and carbon, effectively transforming oil and gas companies into 'carbon management companies'.

The document outlines a pathway to reduce U.S. oil and gas methane emissions by 65% using mature technologies and standards already employed in states like Colorado and New Mexico. It advocates for strengthening EPA regulations to include frequent leak detection and repair (LDAR) and a total ban on routine flaring. Additionally, it supports the Build Back Better Act's Methane Emissions Reduction Program (MERP) as a complementary financial incentive. The author asserts that these measures would save society $13 billion annually by 2025, prevent millions of tons of volatile organic compounds (VOCs) and hazardous air pollutants (HAPs) from entering the atmosphere, and create approximately 220,000 total jobs without negatively impacting drilling activity.

The report finds that Indonesian government support for fossil fuels significantly outweighs support for renewable energy, with 94% of annual allocations averaging coal, oil, gas, and fossil fuel-based electricity, compared to just 1% for renewables. Between 2016 and 2020, total energy support measures rose by 38% to IDR 279 trillion, while specific support for renewable energy decreased from IDR 3 trillion to IDR 2 trillion. The analysis indicates that 77% of identified measures benefit energy producers, and that fossil fuel subsidies create a lock-in effect that hinders the competitiveness of renewable energy and drains public finances.

The report identifies 78 support measures for Indonesia's energy sector between FY 2016 and FY 2020, finding that 94.1% of the estimated value (IDR 1,153 trillion) supported fossil fuels, while renewable energy received less than 1%. The analysis highlights a significant imbalance in funding, with the majority of support benefiting producers over consumers and heavily favoring oil, gas, coal, and fossil-fuel-based electricity, thereby potentially hindering Indonesia's net-zero 2060 goal.

Reclaim Finance criticizes Société Générale for continuing to finance fossil fuel expansion despite its 2050 net-zero commitment. The organization highlights loopholes in the bank's policies that allow continued support for conventional oil and gas, shale oil and gas, liquefied natural gas (LNG) infrastructure, and coal mining through diversified companies.

Reclaim Finance argues that Shell's climate plan is insufficient to meet a 1.5°C trajectory, predicting the company will exceed its carbon budget by 40.9% by 2050 and consume 80.2% of it by 2030.

Reclaim Finance argues that BP's 'Net Zero ambition' plan is insufficient, as the company is projected to exceed its carbon budget by 50.9% by 2050 and consume 83.9% of that budget by 2030. The organization calls for shareholders to vote against the plan and the directors responsible for the company's continued focus on oil and gas expansion.

Reclaim Finance argues that Repsol's energy transition strategy is insufficient, projecting that the company will exceed its carbon budget by 78.7% by 2050 and consume 82% of it by 2030.