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The Clean Air Task Force asserts that President Trump's Executive Order to rescind the Climate Action Plan and related rules cannot be implemented by 'administrative fiat' due to the requirement for notice and comment rulemaking. The author argues that the Clean Power Plan is a cost-effective method for reducing emissions from power plants and that curbing methane emissions from the oil and gas industry is essential for public health and the climate, noting that methane is '70 times as potent a warmer as CO2' over its first 20 years.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) supports Massachusetts' proposed technology-neutral Clean Energy Standard, which includes nuclear power and carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) to help achieve an 80% reduction in grid carbon emissions by 2050. However, CATF argues that the proposed power plant emissions caps are not deep enough and fail to account for the 'maximum technologically feasible reductions' required by law. Additionally, the document criticizes the state's methane reduction proposals for being too narrow, focusing only on certain leaky distribution pipelines for three years while ignoring larger transmission and storage facilities.

The document argues that the renegotiated NAFTA should move beyond the 'soft legal obligations' seen in agreements like CETA and the TPP to establish stronger, enforceable environmental protections. It specifically advocates for the legal recognition that water is not a commodity, the preservation and strengthening of the submissions on enforcement matters (SEM) process for civil society, and the expansion of the Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC) to include regulatory cooperation on climate change mitigation and carbon border adjustments.

RMI proposes that a nearly 100 percent renewable energy system is achievable by the mid-2050s by applying market adoption 'S-curves' seen in previous industrial revolutions to clean energy technologies. The briefing emphasizes that the transition is driven by declining costs, electrification of end-uses, and decentralized adoption rather than solely by government mandates. To meet the 1.5°C target, the document asserts that the energy sector must be paired with high-impact measures in the agricultural, forestry, and land-use (AFOLU) sectors to create net carbon sinks by mid-century.

The United States Mid-Century Strategy (MCS) provides a roadmap for deep decarbonization by 2050, focusing on three primary pillars: transitioning to a low-carbon energy system, enhancing the land carbon sink, and reducing non-CO2 emissions. The strategy emphasizes a combination of aggressive energy efficiency, near-complete decarbonization of the electricity grid, and the deployment of carbon removal technologies like BECCS. It argues that these goals are compatible with robust economic growth and suggests that a carbon price starting at $20 per metric ton in 2017 could put energy CO2 emissions on a consistent pathway. The report also highlights the critical role of U.S. forests and soils in sequestering carbon and the necessity of international cooperation to drive down technology costs and prevent emissions leakage.

The report evaluates the climate policy engagement of several major fossil fuel companies, including BP, Shell, ExxonMobil, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, Arch Coal, CONSOL Energy, and Peabody Energy. It uses a scoring system to measure their support for federal carbon reduction policies, their responses to the EPA Clean Power Plan and Methane Rule, and their participation in climate-supportive business alliances. Findings range from 'Good' scores for companies like BP, which supports carbon pricing and the Oil and Gas Climate Initiative, to 'Poor' or 'Egregious' scores for companies like Peabody Energy, which the report claims used climate science disinformation to oppose the Clean Power Plan.

The report finds that millions of Latinos in the US are disproportionately exposed to toxic air pollutants and ozone from oil and gas infrastructure, leading to significant health burdens. It highlights that 1.81 million Latinos live within a half-mile of such facilities and 1.78 million live in counties where cancer risks exceed EPA concern levels. The document argues that poverty and lack of health insurance exacerbate these risks, and calls for the EPA to regulate existing facilities, not just new ones, to protect public health and address climate change.

The report identifies natural gas-driven pneumatic controllers as the second-largest source of methane emissions in the US oil and gas industry. It concludes that mature, cost-effective zero-emission technologies are available and currently in use in the United States and Canada, with some jurisdictions in both countries implementing regulations to mandate their installation.

The report evaluates alternatives to gas-driven pneumatic controllers, which are the second-largest source of methane emissions in the US oil and gas industry. It identifies electronic controllers and instrument air as the two most mature and widely applicable zero-emission technologies. An economic analysis of 2,032 site configurations found that these solutions are cost-effective—with abatement costs below the US EPA's social cost of methane ($1,354/tCH4)—in the vast majority of cases, particularly for sites with four or more controllers or those incorporating chemical injection pumps.

The Clean Air Task Force evaluates the EPA's first-ever methane standards for new and modified oil and gas sources. While praising the removal of exemptions for low-producing wells and the implementation of fixed inspection frequencies, the author argues the rule is inadequate because it ignores existing sources, which account for 75% of the sector's methane emissions. To meet the White House's goal of a 40-45% reduction in methane pollution by 2025, the author asserts that the EPA must now regulate existing sources to reduce emissions by approximately 75 million metric tons of CO2 equivalent.

Earthjustice supports the BLM's proposed methane rule, which covers both new and existing equipment and aims to reduce flaring and leaks. The organization argues that the rule is essential for climate mitigation, as methane is 86 times more powerful than carbon dioxide, and could capture up to $800 million in taxpayer revenue over a decade. However, Earthjustice urges the BLM to close loopholes regarding leak inspections and flaring allowances to ensure the rule's effectiveness.

The report argues that carbon pricing is a critical tool for meeting the Paris Agreement's goal of keeping global temperatures well below 2°C. It introduces 'Carbon Pricing Bands' to categorize price levels by their economic impact—ranging from 'Introductory' (up to $20) to 'Targeted' (above $80)—and presents four potential future trajectories: a 'Success Trajectory' leading to a low-carbon world, and three failure scenarios ('Sailing into the Cliff', 'Stormy Waters', and 'Running Aground') where temperatures rise by 3°C to 4°C due to inadequate or chaotic pricing policies. The update highlights post-COP21 developments, including the commitment of 90 nations to use market mechanisms and specific national actions in China, India, and Canada.

The document argues that global diets are converging toward resource-intensive Western styles, which threatens environmental sustainability and human health. Using the GlobAgri model, the authors demonstrate that reducing calorie and protein overconsumption among wealthy populations can significantly spare agricultural land and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The paper introduces the 'Shift Wheel' framework to help the food industry implement these dietary changes through behavioral and marketing strategies.

The Clean Air Task Force asserts that the EPA's Methane Challenge Program, which relies on voluntary industry commitments, cannot achieve the U.S. target of a 40-45% reduction in oil and gas methane emissions by 2025. While 41 companies joined as founding members, the program lacks participation from oil and gas exploration and production companies, which are responsible for 73% of the industry's methane emissions. Although 37 Local Distribution Companies representing nearly 60% of natural gas utility customers are participating, the author maintains that voluntary measures are no substitute for strong, nation-wide regulations of existing pollution sources.

The Obama Administration set a goal to reduce methane emissions from the oil and gas sector by 40-45% from 2012 levels by 2025. While the EPA proposed standards for new and modified sources, it has failed to address existing sources, which a 2014 ICF International study predicts will represent 90% of the sector's total methane emissions in 2018. Analysis by CATF and the Rhodium Group indicates that voluntary industry programs are insufficient to bridge the 'methane emissions gap', as even 100% participation would leave a gap of 54 million metric tons of CO2e. The author asserts that nationwide standards on existing oil and gas equipment would reduce emissions by 77 million metric tons of CO2e, sufficient to meet the Administration's goal.

The World Resources Institute proposes six domestic actions for the Obama administration in 2016: implementing the Clean Power Plan, reducing methane emissions from existing gas infrastructure, banning more potent hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs), preparing industrial emission standards, finalizing fuel efficiency for heavy-duty trucks and aircraft, and increasing local climate resilience support. It also urges the U.S. to sign the Paris Agreement, meet Green Climate Fund commitments, and mobilize resources for Mission Innovation to sustain global momentum.

The report identifies a 'methane emission gap' between the Obama Administration's goal to reduce oil and gas methane pollution by 40–45% from 2012 levels by 2025 and the actual impact of its proposed regulations. It finds that proposed standards primarily target new and modified sources, while existing sources are projected to represent 90% of the sector's total methane emissions in 2018. To close the gap of at least 75 million metric tons CO2e, the report recommends requiring leak detection and repair, non-emitting pneumatic technologies, and the capture of gas from oil wells for existing sources.

The Clean Air Task Force views the EPA's proposed methane standards for new and modified oil and gas sources as a positive first step but argues they are insufficient to meet national greenhouse gas reduction targets. While praising the direct regulation of methane under the Clean Air Act and the implementation of leak detection and repair (LDAR) requirements, CATF recommends mandating controls for omitted equipment like liquids unloading operations and increasing LDAR inspection frequency. Crucially, the document highlights that the proposal fails to address existing sources, which are projected to account for 90 percent of methane emissions by 2018.

The guide outlines three primary strategies for business engagement during COP21: educating leaders on climate science and policy, making public climate commitments through platforms like the Lima-Paris Action Agenda and the We Mean Business 'Take Action' campaign, and participating in onsite networking and events in Paris. It highlights specific tools for tracking commitments, such as NAZCA, and lists various side events and hubs, including the 'Open to Business' hub, designed to facilitate business-led climate action.

The document is a formal comment letter from a coalition of environmental groups regarding the proposed Stream Protection Rule. The authors argue that the rule fails to adequately protect stream channels from direct damage, particularly in Central Appalachia, and relies on unproven stream restoration techniques. They contend that OSMRE ignored critical factors in its analysis, including the structural decline of coal demand, the net economic drain of mining on the region, and severe public health impacts. The coalition urges the agency to retain the 1983 stream buffer zone, strengthen water quality standards, and incorporate the social cost of carbon into its environmental impact assessments.