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The Canadian Climate Institute's review of carbon pricing in Canada finds that while progress is being made, the current 'patchwork' of systems suffers from uneven price signals, inconsistent emissions coverage, and a lack of transparency. The report recommends establishing a common standard for emissions coverage, replacing point-of-sale rebates with direct revenue recycling, and aligning benchmarks for large emitter programs to reduce competitiveness risks and emissions leakage.

The Canadian Climate Institute evaluates Canada's diverse carbon pricing instruments, noting inconsistencies in emission coverage and price signals. It recommends establishing a common emission coverage standard, improving transparency, and harmonizing benchmarks for large emitters to enhance efficiency and equity.

The document is a comprehensive educational guide designed to teach the Ojibwe language using a scientific case study on mercury. It includes a full English-Ojibwe transcript of a video explaining the mercury cycle—from industrial emissions to biomagnification in fish—and the results of a seven-year ecosystem experiment. The guide provides detailed linguistic support, including sentence breakdowns, a glossary of terms, and a list of new words created specifically for scientific concepts like 'methylmercury'. It also includes a lesson planning form for educators to implement the material as a listening and sentence-structure exercise.

Singapore aims for climate neutrality after 2050, focusing on hydrogen as a key decarbonization enabler due to its limited renewable energy potential. The country's economy is heavily export-oriented, with industrial activities and the power sector contributing 46% and 39% of GHG emissions, respectively. Singapore is exploring low-carbon hydrogen for electricity generation, heavy-duty transport, and industrial fuel, while considering ammonia for maritime bunkering. While blue hydrogen is feasible, the lack of domestic geological formations for CO2 storage necessitates partnerships with neighboring countries. Singapore leverages its position as a global port and refining hub to aim for a future role as a hydrogen hub within a developing global supply chain.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the EU ETS has failed to significantly reduce industrial emissions since 2012 due to free pollution permits and exemptions. To achieve climate neutrality by 2040, the briefing recommends increasing the Linear Reduction Factor (LRF), strengthening the Market Stability Reserve (MSR), ending free allowance allocations for industry and aviation, and earmarking 100% of auctioning revenues for climate action and innovation.

The study investigates deeper decarbonization in the Northeastern U.S., finding that Rhode Island could potentially reduce emissions by 80% by 2030 using existing technologies. While significant reductions of 70% to 80% are possible by 2030, 2040, or 2050, complete decarbonization is hindered by methane leakage from landfills and natural gas transmission, industrial emissions, and air travel.

The document assesses Thailand's air quality regulatory framework, noting that while some pollutants have decreased, national standards remain weaker than WHO guidelines. It identifies a 'siloed approach' to policymaking across different ministries as a primary barrier to enforcement and recommends the establishment of a single, national regulatory body to coordinate multi-sectoral air pollution mitigation.

The document assesses Thailand's air quality challenges, noting that while numerous Acts and Plans exist, enforcement is hampered by a siloed ministerial approach and a prioritization of economic growth over environmental health. It identifies key pollution sources including road transport, coal-fired power plants, industrial zones, and seasonal crop burning. The paper highlights successful past initiatives such as the phase-out of leaded gasoline and two-stroke motorcycles, and suggests the need for an overarching national agency to integrate air quality management across sectors.

The document analyzes the legal mechanisms for accessing justice in environmental matters within the EU, focusing on the Aarhus Convention and EU directives. It details the rights to access environmental information, public participation in decision-making, and the ability to challenge acts or omissions that affect the environment. The guide examines standing requirements for individuals and NGOs, the scope and standard of judicial review, and the necessity of effective remedies, including injunctive relief. It also addresses the specific challenges of challenging decisions made by EU institutions.

The document assesses China's transition toward a comprehensive 'one-permit' governance system for stationary pollution sources, analyzing the legal framework, implementation challenges at the local level, and the role of the Ministry of Ecology and Environment (MEE). It highlights gaps in the current system, such as the exclusion of noise and solid waste from the primary permitting regime and a lack of specific legal liabilities for permit violations. The report compares China's approach with the EU's Industrial Emissions Directive (IED), emphasizing the use of Best Available Techniques (BAT) and risk-based inspection strategies to improve environmental quality.

The document outlines requirements for the EU's proposed carbon border adjustment measure, asserting that it must replace all existing industry protections, such as free pollution permits, to avoid being mere protectionism. It proposes that foreign producers buy pollution permits under the EU carbon market to strengthen carbon prices and incentivise innovation. The author suggests targeting the most polluting sectors—specifically steel, cement, and bulk chemicals—while exempting Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Finally, it argues that all revenues generated should fund climate action, either through EU innovation funds or as climate finance for developing nations.

Clean Air Task Force argues that the EPA's proposed ozone reductions are insufficient, urging the agency to address the 2015 ozone standard, expand NOx controls to industrial and transportation sectors, and analyze the environmental justice impacts of power plant emissions and trading programs.

The World Resources Institute outlines ten priorities for President Biden to address the climate crisis, centered on the principles of inclusive prosperity, focusing on carbon-heavy sectors, and supporting subnational action. Key recommendations include committing to a 45-50% emissions reduction by 2030, passing a $2 trillion climate-smart stimulus package, and phasing out new passenger vehicle sales of polluting cars by 2035. The plan emphasizes a 'whole-of-government' approach combining standards, investments, carbon pricing, and environmental justice to reach net-zero emissions by 2050.

Carbon Market Watch proposes ten principles for the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Measure (CBAM), arguing that it must replace free allocation of allowances in the EU ETS to adhere to the 'polluter-pays' principle. The organization recommends that CBAM cover direct and indirect emissions in high-emitting sectors like steel, cement, and bulk chemicals, and be implemented as an extension of the EU ETS. Key social and diplomatic recommendations include exempting Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS), recycling revenues into climate action, and using the mechanism to complement international climate diplomacy and product requirements.

The report asserts that 'business as usual' is an unsustainable strategy for industrial sectors, as over 40 percent of annual greenhouse gas emissions originate from energy-intensive industries. It warns that failure to reach net-zero emissions by 2050 threatens the global economy with supply chain disruptions and value destruction for major commodities. The author argues that achieving a 1.5°C pathway requires not only technological shifts—such as the adoption of hydrogen and carbon capture—but also a reduction in the demand for materials like steel, cement, and plastic. The text emphasizes that an orderly transition is preferable to disruptive 'black swan' events and notes a shifting balance of market power away from fossil fuel industries toward climate-aligned corporations.

The report argues that current funding for chemicals and waste management is inadequate, particularly in developing and transition countries, and proposes a coordinated international tax on basic chemicals to operationalize the 'polluter pays' principle. It suggests that a 0.5% tax on the production value of basic chemicals could raise approximately $11.5 billion annually, significantly exceeding current funding from the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and the Special Programme. The authors recommend an origin-based excise tax on a specific list of basic chemicals (such as ammonia, benzene, and chlorine) to ensure administrative simplicity and minimize economic distortion. The document evaluates this option against other potential taxes—including income, asset, and transaction taxes—concluding that an excise tax is the most feasible and effective mechanism for internalizing the social and environmental costs of chemical production.

The document identifies critical gaps in the EU's approach to endocrine-disrupting chemicals (EDCs), noting that current laws fail to account for non-monotonic dose responses and the irreversibility of EDC effects. It argues that the EU has a legal and moral obligation under the precautionary principle to prevent harm, particularly to vulnerable populations like children. To address these failures, the brief proposes three primary actions: launching a broad REACH restriction for already identified EDCs based on existing lists, updating chemical screening systems through implementing acts and guidance to eliminate 'blind spots', and adopting a new legislative act to create a coordinated, continuously updated EU list of EDCs that automatically triggers regulatory consequences across all sectors.

The Climate Action Tracker has established 'highest plausible ambition' benchmarks for four key sectors—Power, Transport, Industry, and Buildings—to guide the global transition to net-zero emissions by 2050. The report provides specific targets for 2030 and 2050, both globally and for seven major economies (Brazil, China, EU, India, Indonesia, South Africa, and the US), emphasizing that while starting points differ, all sectors must decarbonise by mid-century to meet the 1.5°C goal. Key priorities include the immediate phase-out of coal in developed nations by 2030, a rapid shift to zero-emission vehicles, and significant emissions intensity reductions in cement and steel production.

The document exposes lobbying efforts by large polluters and the aviation industry to undermine climate action during the pandemic. It details attempts by groups like BusinessEurope and national trade associations in France, Germany, and the Netherlands to delay legislation and carbon taxes. It specifically critiques the aviation industry's push for unconditional bailouts and efforts to weaken the CORSIA carbon market baseline. The author argues that the pandemic should be used to accelerate a green recovery rather than return to business-as-usual, recommending the phase-out of free pollution permits and the introduction of fuel taxes.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the EU should replace the free allocation of emission allowances in the EU ETS with a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) to ensure polluters pay for their emissions. The organization asserts there is no evidence of carbon leakage and proposes that a CBAM should be used as a tool for international climate diplomacy, exempt Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States, and be based on carbon performance benchmarks for sectors including steel, cement, chemicals, and power.