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The document argues that success at COP20 in Lima depends on rich nations delivering climate finance, specifically filling the Green Climate Fund, which has only seen "USD 2.3 billion in pledges" despite a "USD 100 billion a year by 2020" goal. It emphasizes the need for an international accounting framework to prevent "double counting" and ensure that only countries with "stringent targets" can access carbon markets to avoid the "hot air" issues seen under the Kyoto Protocol. The author calls for the accounting framework to be embedded in the new climate treaty separately from the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA) and highlights the need to streamline human rights safeguards for the CDM, REDD+, and Green Climate Fund.

Carbon Market Watch criticizes EU leaders for adopting a 2030 climate deal that it argues weakens emission reductions to 31% due to excess permits and provides up to €300 billion in subsidies to industry. Separately, the organization highlights human rights abuses and lack of consultation affecting indigenous communities in Guatemala associated with the UN-registered Santa Rita hydroelectric project.

The research paper examines whether the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has led to governance improvements in member states using the 2014 Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) as a benchmark. The author finds mixed results: while 10 of 17 reviewed countries showed some progress—most notably Rwanda—others like Mali and Benin experienced regression. The paper concludes that there is no obvious direct positive correlation between APRM reviews and improved IIAG scores, largely because member states have failed to systematically implement the required National Programmes of Action (NPoA). To improve, the author recommends strengthening peer pressure, increasing secretariat support for national planning, and enhancing civil society engagement to ensure domestic accountability.

A coalition of organizations requests UN intervention regarding the Santa Rita hydroelectric project in Guatemala, alleging severe human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings and state-sponsored violence, and criticizing the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) for registering the project despite a lack of genuine indigenous consultation.

The document is a formal request to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to address serious human rights abuses linked to the Santa Rita hydroelectric dam in Guatemala. The authors argue that the project, registered under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) in June 2014, has been imposed without the free, prior, and informed consent of the Q’eqchí and Poqomchí indigenous communities. They report a pattern of violence, including the deaths of seven people, including two children, and state-sponsored repression involving the deployment of 1,500 police officers in August 2014. The document calls for the Government of Guatemala to provide information on its plans and for the CDM Board to investigate and potentially withdraw the project's registration due to non-compliance with consultation standards.

The Responsible Alternative Fibers Assessment Methodology (RAFAM) is a risk-screening tool developed by WWF to identify environmental and social impacts of non-wood fiber crops. It employs a two-step process: an initial screening of 24 key issue areas followed by detailed additional guidance for any identified risks. The methodology covers site inventory, ecological integrity, environmental impacts, and social-political considerations, aiming to establish an aspirational benchmark for 'ideal' alternative fiber feedstocks that are renewable, legally sourced, and socially beneficial.

Janet Thew, a client of Dimensional Fund Advisors (DFA), writes to CEO David Booth to announce her divestment of $100,000 and her call for the firm to stop investing in companies responsible for forest destruction. The letter highlights DFA's significant holdings in palm oil, timber, and pulp and paper producers, arguing that these investments contribute to global warming and biodiversity loss. The author urges DFA to move beyond a passive investment strategy to ensure its portfolios are deforestation-free and to use shareholder power to improve corporate human rights and environmental performance.

The emergence of the Islamic State represents a significant shift in global jihadism, offering a divisive alternative to al-Qaeda. Africa is particularly vulnerable due to the presence of established radical Islamist groups and the potential return of thousands of battle-hardened African fighters from Iraq and Syria. The document warns that the Islamic State's model of territorial occupation and its extreme ideology could destabilise several African regions, particularly North and West Africa. It argues that governments should avoid draconian counter-terrorism measures, which often fuel radicalisation, and instead pursue criminal justice-based approaches that address local drivers of discontent.

The document analyzes a growing trend among African leaders to prioritize 'traditional values' and 'sovereignty' over universal human rights, often using anti-imperialist rhetoric to shield themselves from accountability. It highlights the role of CSOs in fighting this regressive shift, specifically regarding LGBTI rights, corruption, and the International Criminal Court (ICC), while noting that these organisations face increasing government harassment and restrictive legislation.

The policy brief examines the tension between national interests and human rights values in the foreign policies of emerging democracies like Brazil, India, Indonesia, and South Africa. While these states have collaborated with established democracies on specific crises in Myanmar, North Korea, and Libya, the author identifies significant cleavages driven by a preference for sovereignty, non-intervention, and economic interests. The document highlights how historical grievances against Northern hegemony and fear of reciprocal criticism of domestic records inhibit a consistent pro-human rights stance. However, it notes that transnational advocacy, the globalisation of media, and international mechanisms like the UN Human Rights Council provide pathways to pressure states toward greater accountability.

The document outlines specific critiques and proposed amendments to the AfDB's IRM Operating Rules and Procedures (ORP). The signatories argue for greater independence of the mechanism from Bank management, enhanced public disclosure of complaint documents, the inclusion of all human rights violations in the IRM's scope, and the removal of restrictive barriers that prevent individuals and NGOs from filing complaints.

The Centre for Environmental Rights, Centre for Applied Legal Studies, and the Open Democracy Advice Centre argue that the 2014 Mining Lekgotla and similar industry forums exclude critical stakeholders and lack transparency. They highlight the difficulty of accessing essential environmental and mining documents and call for more inclusive governance to ensure natural resources benefit all South Africans.

The author contends that synthetic diamonds pose a greater threat to the mined diamond industry than 'blood diamonds', particularly for stones under 0.5 carats which make up 80-90% of the market. While the Kimberley Process (KP) has historically focused narrowly on conflict diamonds, the author suggests that expanding its scope to include human rights and the traceability of both rough and polished diamonds is essential. Without such a system to guarantee authenticity and ethics, the author warns that mined diamonds may lose their status as a store of value, mirroring the price collapse seen in the industrial diamond market.

The paper examines the legal obligations of conservation actors regarding the rights of indigenous peoples, tribal peoples, and local communities. It argues that while states are the primary duty-bearers, international organizations, corporations, and NGOs also have responsibilities to respect human rights based on international customary law and 'social licenses'. The text specifically links these obligations to the implementation of Aichi Target 11 for biodiversity.

The document provides legal commentary on the dispute between Pac Rim Cayman LLC and the Republic of El Salvador, asserting that the state's regulatory framework for mining is a necessary tool to prevent human rights infringements and environmental damage. It emphasizes that the 'public interest' must be defined through environmental democracy and access rights, as outlined in Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration. The brief further details the social conflict and violence, including murders of environmental defenders, resulting from Pac Rim's activities in the Cabañas department.

A coalition of global social and climate justice movements, meeting at the PreCOP Social in Venezuela, condemns the 2014 Israeli military offensive and blockade in Gaza. The statement calls for an immediate end to the violence, the lifting of the blockade, and the implementation of a global campaign of boycott, divestment, and sanctions to ensure Israel respects United Nations resolutions and ends its occupation of Palestinian territories.

The document examines the legal obligations of conservation actors under international human rights law, arguing that while States are primary duty-bearers, international organizations, businesses, and NGOs also bear responsibilities to respect human rights based on customary law or social licenses to operate.

The document argues that the IFC's 'lessons learned' process is insufficient because it ignores institutional culture, fails to address the systemic miscategorisation of project risks, and lacks a formal implementation and monitoring framework. While acknowledging some positive steps, the authors highlight ongoing failures in projects across Honduras, Burma, Indonesia, and Nicaragua, and call for a time-bound plan to integrate human rights assessments and poverty reduction goals into IFC operations.

The statement criticizes the Santa Rita hydroelectric project in Guatemala's Alta Verapaz region, alleging that the project ignores the legal requirement for prior indigenous community consent and has led to human rights violations, intimidation, and environmental degradation. It highlights a pattern of criminalization of local leaders and lack of benefit for native populations, arguing that such projects contradict the Clean Development Mechanism's (CDM) goal of promoting sustainable development.

The statement reports that approximately 500 police officers used excessive force, including tear gas, to clear a protest camp at the "Progreso VII derivada" mine, resulting in over 25 injuries. It accuses the Guatemalan government and the Ministry of Environment of corruption and fraud in approving the mining project and calls for the cancellation of the mining license to protect water, health, and the environment.