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The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The document establishes a framework of 14 conservation standards to prevent human rights abuses during site-based conservation interventions. It argues that while states are primary duty bearers, non-state actors—including NGOs and philanthropic foundations—have a 'responsibility to respect' human rights. The standards are divided into rights most likely to be directly infringed (such as self-determination, free, prior and informed consent, and land rights) and those indirectly infringed (such as education and non-discriminatory employment). The authors emphasize that these standards should serve as minimum requirements for all conservation activities to avoid forced evictions, cultural deterioration, and the marginalization of indigenous governance systems.

The World Bank's Safeguard policy is criticized for devaluing community voices by failing to require that crucial project information be shared with local populations. A survey of civil society actors across 40 countries indicates that 79% of communities learn about projects from partner organizations rather than the Bank. Barriers to information include intermittent internet access, lack of native language translations, and the use of dense technical jargon. The author advocates for guaranteed access to Environmental and Social Impact Assessments, Resettlement Action Plans, and Indigenous Peoples Plans to prevent forced evictions and ecosystem destruction, citing a recent $73.1 million funding withdrawal for a dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo as evidence that the Bank can act when standards are violated.

The statement asserts that timely access to information is essential for community empowerment and meaningful participation in development projects. It specifically warns that new World Bank policies allowing project approval before the disclosure of environmental and social documents prevent communities from engaging in decisions that permanently alter their lives and complicate their ability to seek remedy for harms.

Carbon Market Watch urges the CDM Executive Board to establish a grievance mechanism to align with the Cancun and Paris Agreements and to improve the sustainable development co-benefits tool by allowing direct stakeholder input. The submission also advocates for local stakeholder consultation guidelines for Designated National Authorities (DNAs) to be based on international human rights law and the principle of free, prior and informed consent.

A coalition of organizations calls on FMO and DEG to address human rights failures and environmental damage caused by the Barro Blanco dam project in Panama, specifically regarding 'test flooding' conducted without community consultation or Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC).

The report examines the 2015 crisis in Burundi, arguing that while President Pierre Nkurunziza's attempt to secure an unconstitutional third term was the immediate trigger, the situation was underpinned by a long history of government intransigence, systemic repression of the opposition, and corruption. It details the CNDD-FDD's strategy of consolidating power through the 'nyakurisation' method of dividing opposition parties and the use of legislative tools to restrict civil liberties. The document also analyzes the internal fractures within the ruling party, the failure of the Arusha Agreement's power-sharing framework, and the subsequent violent crackdown on protestors, the media, and civil society following a failed coup attempt in May 2015.

The document examines how fragile states—characterized by poverty and weak institutions—are prone to recurring armed conflict. It describes a 'conflict trap' where low development leads to war, and war further degrades GDP and public services. The authors argue that the international community can break this cycle during peace settlements by deploying robust peacekeeping operations to solve 'commitment problems' and by ensuring peace agreements are inclusive of women and civil society rather than relying solely on elite bargains.

The policy brief examines how domestic xenophobia contradicts South Africa's 'diplomacy of ubuntu' and its aspirations for African leadership. It highlights specific incidents of violence and government failures, suggesting that South Africa must address the root causes of intolerance domestically and regionalise its policy responses to reclaim its international standing.

Friends of the Earth International asserts that the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights are insufficient because they are not standing UN policy and do not obligate states to incorporate them into national law. The statement highlights ongoing environmental damage by companies like Shell in the Niger Delta and Vale and BHP Billiton in Brazil as evidence of corporate impunity. It advocates for the 'Treaty' established by UN Human Rights Council resolution 26/09 to create binding rules for transnational corporations, while criticizing the European Union and United States for opposing this process in favor of corporate-friendly investment treaties.

The document examines Mozambique's transition from civil war to sustainable peace, focusing on five key areas: disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR), economic and social development, decentralisation, justice, and natural resource investment. It argues that while government planning capacity has increased, implementation and monitoring remain weak, and short-term political gains often override long-term stability. The paper highlights the critical role of civil society in filling gaps left by the state and international actors, and warns that the management of new natural gas wealth and high national debt could either consolidate peace or fuel renewed conflict.

Carbon Market Watch opposes a proposed simplified inclusion process for automatically additional microscale CPAs, arguing that shifting validation responsibilities to the verifying Designated Operational Entity (DOE) undermines local stakeholder consultations. The organization also requests that the Board address stakeholder comments concerning human rights issues, specifically citing the Barro Blanco project.

Carbon Market Watch outlines specific requirements for the three frameworks under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement: cooperative approaches, the Sustainable Development Mechanism (SDM), and non-market approaches. The organization emphasizes the need for robust accounting to prevent double counting and 'hot air' trading, the integration of human rights safeguards, and the principle of supplementarity to ensure domestic emission reductions are prioritized over the purchase of compliance.

The document argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) requires a robust appeals procedure to ensure accountability, human rights protection, and climate integrity. Carbon Market Watch recommends that the scope of appeals cover both positive and negative decisions, be open to a broad definition of affected stakeholders beyond project proponents, and address both procedural and substantive violations. The statement emphasizes that public participation and access to administrative proceedings are essential for verifying that projects result in real greenhouse gas reductions without adverse social or environmental impacts.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) requires fundamental reform to address systemic failures in human rights, additionality, and sustainable development. The organization recommends establishing a formal grievance mechanism, strengthening civil society participation, and introducing a 'negative list' of ineligible technologies to prevent the issuance of non-additional credits. It further proposes shortening crediting periods, reforming the CDM Executive Board's composition to prevent conflicts of interest, and introducing liability rules for Designated Operational Entities (DOEs) to ensure auditor independence.

The document examines how climate mitigation projects—specifically under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), REDD+, and Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs)—have failed to uphold international human rights obligations. Through case studies in Panama, India, Mexico, and Georgia, it demonstrates that inadequate stakeholder consultation, lack of sustainable development criteria, and absent grievance mechanisms have led to rights violations, including forced evictions and loss of livelihoods. The brief argues that while the Paris Agreement's preamble recognizes human rights, these obligations must be translated into specific, mandatory guidelines and independent accountability processes to prevent future harm.

The paper investigates the impact of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) on governance in Africa by comparing Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) scores between 2003 and 2015 for reviewed members, non-reviewed members, and non-members. It finds that while APRM members generally performed better than non-members, there is no significant difference in progress between those who underwent a full review and those who merely joined. The author suggests this indicates a 'self-selection' bias where states already inclined toward reform join the APRM, rather than the mechanism itself causing the improvement. The paper also notes a trend where economic and corporate governance gains often occur alongside stagnant or declining political freedoms, specifically citing Rwanda and Mali as contrasting case studies.

The author criticises the EU-Turkey deal reached on 18 March 2016, asserting that it fails to end irregular migration and instead leads to human rights violations, including the forced return of migrants and appalling detention conditions in Greece. The text argues that the EU is using non-binding 'statements' to avoid democratic scrutiny and parliamentary oversight. It proposes alternatives such as the yearly resettlement of 500,000 refugees over six years, humanitarian admission programmes, and labour mobility programs to replace the current focus on deterrence and criminalisation.

The author critiques the EU's approach to 'irregular' migration, arguing that the contradiction between humanitarian rhetoric and security imperatives is not a 'gap' but a symptom of biopolitical governance. Using Roberto Esposito's concept of autoimmunity, the text posits that the EU's drive for maximal security has created a system that destroys the populations it claims to protect. The author suggests moving toward an 'affirmative biopolitics' through demilitarisation, on-shoring border practices, and creating legal labour migration channels.