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The report argues that fossil fuel subsidy reform (FFSR) is a critical tool for financing a just transition, as global subsidies total at least USD 425 billion per year. It posits that FFSR can reduce global carbon emissions by roughly 10 per cent by 2050 if both production and consumption subsidies are eliminated. The document outlines a framework for successful reform based on three elements: getting prices right, managing impacts, and building support. Through case studies of Morocco, Mexico, Argentina, Indonesia, and the Netherlands, the report demonstrates that while FFSR can create budgetary space for social safety nets and renewable energy, a lack of stakeholder engagement and abrupt price hikes—as seen in Mexico—can lead to civil unrest. Conversely, the Netherlands' long-term transition of its coal sector illustrates how targeted supports and social dialogue can protect workers during industrial shifts.

The report analyzes India's energy subsidies across coal, oil, gas, and renewable energy, noting a significant decrease in central government expenditure on energy subsidies between FY2014 and FY2016. While fossil fuels still receive the majority of support, the data indicates a trend of declining fossil-fuel subsidies and increasing support for renewables.

The document examines why the World Trade Organization (WTO) has seen limited legal action against fossil fuel subsidies despite their distorting effects on trade and investment. It analyzes five G20 support measures against the 1994 Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (ASCM), noting the specific difficulty of litigating consumption subsidies and the lack of transparency in subsidy notifications. To address these gaps, the paper proposes five reform avenues: technical assistance, enhanced transparency, credible reform pledges, a political declaration, and expanding the category of prohibited subsidies.

The report examines the potential impact of reforming LPG subsidies in Indonesia, noting that women in poor and near-poor households are more vulnerable to price increases. It identifies three primary economic risks for poor women: eroded household budgets, increased time spent on fuel collection or cooking, and higher input costs for small businesses. The study also evaluates alternatives for cleaner cooking, concluding that induction stoves are the most viable option for Indonesia's transition away from fossil fuels.

The author warns that the EU ETS reform for 2021-2030 could inadvertently subsidize coal and other fossil fuels, potentially channeling 160 billion euros to polluters. While the European Parliament and several member states advocate for emissions performance standards to exclude coal from the Modernisation Fund and Article 10c provisions, the document highlights that 90% of previous investments under these rules have supported existing fossil fuel infrastructure.

The report examines the discrepancy between the frequent WTO litigation of renewable energy subsidies and the absence of cases against fossil fuel subsidies. It argues that while political factors and the 'undercapture' of consumer subsidies by WTO law play a role, producer subsidies may still be actionable if sufficient evidence of adverse trade effects is provided. Through five G20 case studies, the authors highlight the difficulty of proving 'adverse effects' and the lack of transparency in subsidy notifications. The report recommends five avenues for reform: technical assistance, enhanced transparency, subsidy reform pledges, political declarations, and expanding the category of prohibited subsidies.

This report examines the intersection of gender and LPG subsidy reform in Indonesia, finding that current subsidies are regressive and fail to reach many poor women. It highlights that women are more vulnerable to price increases due to their primary role in cooking and household management, and that switching back to biomass fuels poses significant health risks through indoor air pollution.

The report provides the first comprehensive inventory of central government energy subsidies in India, covering coal, oil and gas, renewable energy, and electricity transmission and distribution (T&D). It finds that while total quantified subsidies declined from USD 35.8 billion in FY2014 to USD 20.4 billion in FY2016, support for fossil fuels remained more significant than for renewables. The study highlights a shift in the primary recipient of subsidies toward electricity T&D and notes that many consumer subsidies fail to reach the poorest populations, instead benefiting those above the poverty line.

The document argues that current NDCs are insufficient to limit global warming to 1.5°C or 2°C and provides a framework for countries to update their pledges by 2020. It defines 'enhanced mitigation ambition' as actions that result in lower cumulative emissions than the original NDC. The proposed 'menu of options' includes strengthening GHG and non-GHG targets, aligning short-term actions with long-term decarbonization pathways, updating adaptation planning, and improving the transparency and clarity of reported data.

The study finds that federal and state subsidies, including tax preferences, make nearly half of new US oil investments profitable at oil prices of USD 50 per barrel. This support could increase US oil production by 17 billion barrels over several decades, contributing up to 6 billion tonnes of CO2 and representing as much as 20% of US oil production through 2050 under a 2 °C warming limit. The authors argue that removing these incentives would align with G20 commitments and provide climate benefits.

The briefing examines why fossil fuel subsidies have historically avoided challenges at the WTO, noting that WTO law often "undercaptures" these measures compared to renewable energy supports. Through a preliminary analysis of five G20 support measures, the authors find that consumption subsidies are particularly difficult to litigate due to a lack of specificity and difficulty in demonstrating adverse trade effects. To overcome these legal hurdles, the document proposes five reform avenues: technical assistance, improved transparency, political declarations, voluntary pledges with reporting, and the expansion of the ASCM's category of prohibited subsidies.

The paper outlines how the UK can align its trade policy with the Paris Agreement to capitalise on a low-carbon market estimated at £1.0–1.8 trillion annually by 2030. It identifies UK strengths in offshore wind, gas turbines, and financial services, and proposes a structured approach to FTAs. The authors categorise FTA provisions into 'triple wins' (tariffs, services, and standards), 'policy coherence' (intellectual property and procurement), and 'policy cooperation' (sustainable development chapters, private standards, and environmental taxes). It concludes with a checklist for policy-makers to ensure trade deals support climate-resilient development.

The document assesses the current state of global carbon pricing, noting that most prices are below USD 10, far below the USD 40-100/tCO2 levels recommended by the High-Level Commission on Carbon Prices to meet Paris Agreement goals. It advocates for a 'climate policy portfolio' that combines carbon taxes or cap-and-trade systems with complementary measures to address non-price barriers and avoid 'waterbed effects' through price floors. The brief also calls for the abolition of counterproductive policies like fossil fuel subsidies and the use of carbon revenues to fund a just transition and fight energy poverty.

The document outlines a methodology for volunteering economies to identify, measure, and evaluate fossil fuel subsidies (FFS). It details the 'building blocks' of a review—definition, scope, measurement, and evaluation—and analyzes the practical application of these tools through case studies of self-reports (Finland, Sweden) and peer reviews within the G20 and APEC frameworks (China, USA, Peru, New Zealand). It emphasizes that these reviews are voluntary, non-adversarial tools designed to create a baseline for reform and facilitate international peer learning.

The executive summary outlines a framework for countries to conduct voluntary self- and peer reviews of fossil fuel subsidies (FFS). It describes the 'building blocks' of these reviews—including scope, definition, measurement, and evaluation—and provides practical recommendations based on the experiences of countries such as China, Finland, New Zealand, Peru, and Sweden. The guide emphasizes that these reviews are tools for peer learning and domestic reform rather than compliance mechanisms, aiming to align subsidies with sustainable development and international commitments like those of the G7, G20, and the UN Sustainable Development Goals.

The document examines the gap in the Paris Agreement regarding fossil fuel supply and proposes mechanisms to address it. It suggests that countries could use Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Long-Term Strategies (LTSs) to articulate production phase-downs. The authors argue that such actions would provide clearer signals to financial markets, foster international norms, and support a just transition for affected workers. The paper identifies several entry points within the Paris Agreement, including the enhanced transparency framework, the global stocktake, and finance reform, while acknowledging that consensus-based decision-making in the UNFCCC may require a 'coalition of the willing' to lead by example.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), on behalf of the Life After Coal Campaign, asserts that the CSIR's alternative IRP and the DoE's draft IRP omit substantial externalities associated with coal and nuclear energy. The letter highlights an estimated R33 billion annual economic cost from air pollution due to coal-fired generation and argues that water consumption figures are underestimated or based on inaccurate data. It further notes that the circulating fluidised bed combustion technology planned for the Thabametsi power station results in significant nitrous oxide emissions, making it 60% worse in GHG emission intensity than the Medupi and Kusile stations. Finally, the CER demands the inclusion of nuclear decommissioning, fuel storage, and insurance costs to ensure a fair assessment of energy options.

The World Resources Institute asserts that G20 nations, which represent 80 percent of global GDP and greenhouse gas emissions, should reject the notion that climate action hinders economic growth. The author urges G20 leaders to support the German G20 Action Plan on Climate and Energy Growth and emphasizes the critical role of emerging economies like China and India in leading the global clean energy market following the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement.

Scientists for Global Responsibility urges UK political leaders to prioritize climate action through home energy conservation, renewable energy, and energy storage, while ending subsidies for fossil fuels and new nuclear power commitments.

Scott Vaughan argues that traditional GDP is an insufficient measure for the circular economy because it ignores resource savings and environmental damage. He advocates for 'beyond GDP' accounts, such as the Comprehensive Wealth framework, to highlight the economic necessity of resource efficiency. Vaughan also discusses the potential for job growth in the circular economy, particularly in the EU and Denmark, while warning that automation in mining may displace workers in developing countries. Finally, he calls for the removal of fiscal incentives that encourage raw material extraction over recycling and promotes the use of green bonds and clean finance to support the transition.