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The report evaluates a project that engaged young researchers from seven developing countries to bridge the policy gap between the information society (IS) and sustainable development (SD). It identifies key success factors for youth engagement, such as 'learning by doing' and a 'sense of ownership,' while highlighting the critical need for robust institutional and intellectual support. The document details how researchers in countries like South Africa and Kenya directly influenced national ICT strategies and emphasizes the necessity of gender-disaggregated data and specialized recruitment to effectively integrate young women into the policy process.

The document presents a series of personal narratives from professionals across various scientific and engineering disciplines to inspire students and graduates to pursue ethical careers. These cases highlight the challenges of navigating corporate and military interests, the value of interdisciplinary education, and the possibility of transitioning into non-profit, academic, or political roles to achieve social and environmental goals.

The IISD proposes a new model for international investment agreements (IIAs) to replace outdated 20th-century frameworks. The model introduces mandatory investor obligations regarding environmental and social impact assessments, anti-corruption, and human rights, while preserving the right of host states to regulate for the public interest. It also proposes a systemic overhaul of dispute resolution, moving from ad hoc arbitration to a permanent panel and appellate system similar to the WTO.

The amici argue that the Tribunal should recognize legitimate environmental measures as non-expropriatory under the police powers rule, similar to public health measures. They contend that international law has evolved to include environmental protection within the state's regulatory authority, citing precedents from the ICJ, WTO, and other NAFTA tribunals to support the view that non-discriminatory regulations protecting the environment do not constitute a compensable taking.

In a joint submission to the tribunal in the Methanex v. United States arbitration, several amici argue that legitimate environmental regulations, similar to public health measures, fall under the 'police powers' rule and are therefore non-expropriatory. They contend that international law has evolved to recognize environmental protection as a legitimate state function that does not require compensation for resulting economic losses, provided the measures are non-discriminatory.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) argues that ISO must move beyond a 'business as usual' approach to develop social responsibility (SR) standards that support sustainable development. IISD emphasizes the need for a transparent, multi-stakeholder process that ensures meaningful participation from developing countries and the broader sustainable development community. Key recommendations include establishing a written understanding with the International Labour Organization (ILO) to avoid mandate overlaps, reviewing ISO's internal processes to increase stakeholder representation, and clarifying the specific objective of any proposed SR standard—whether it targets internal management or external audiences—before proceeding to a full membership vote.

The report analyzes the implementation of WTO Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) domestic support rules, specifically the 'Green Box' (minimally trade-distorting) measures. It compares the policies of the US, Japan, and the EU with China's approach, noting that while China relies heavily on Green Box measures for infrastructure and food security, it lacks the financial capacity for decoupled income support. The authors argue that WTO rules are biased toward developed nations and propose reforms to provide developing countries more flexibility and stricter criteria for Green Box exemptions to prevent hidden trade distortions.

The document argues that the draft model BIT lacks necessary obligations for investors and creates imbalanced 'investor-state' dispute settlement procedures that threaten public interest laws. The authors highlight failures to meet the 'no greater rights' standard, specifically regarding expropriation, minimum standards of treatment, and the definition of investment. They also criticize the lack of an appellate mechanism, the absence of a requirement to exhaust domestic remedies, and weak protections for the environment and labor rights.

The document urges the United States Trade Representative to oppose the initiation of investment liberalization negotiations at the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial meeting in Cancun.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the proposal to include investment rules in the WTO, particularly ahead of the 2003 Cancun Ministerial Conference. The organization argues that investment agreements, such as the failed Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) and NAFTA's Chapter 11, undermine the ability of governments to implement environmental and social policies. It claims there is no empirical evidence that foreign direct investment leads to equitable development and urges the WTO to reject 'procedural modalities' for investment talks and reform existing rules like GATS and TRIMS that already restrict national policy space.

The memorandum, submitted by a coalition of NGOs and civil society groups, asserts that the WTO's internal processes are weighted against developing countries, leading to rules that harm the environment and vulnerable populations. It identifies systemic failures including the misuse of the consensus system, the exclusionary 'Green Room' process, and the lack of neutrality in the WTO Secretariat. The authors propose a shift toward a more inclusive system featuring a regular General Assembly during Ministerial Conferences, transparent drafting of texts that reflect diverse views, and the cessation of 'Mini-Ministerials' and exclusive meetings.

The document analyzes the conflict between developed and developing nations regarding 'non-trade concerns' (NTCs) in WTO agricultural negotiations. It details the 'Green Box' of allowed support measures and outlines three primary negotiating positions: those seeking expanded flexibility for multifunctional agriculture, those pushing for strict liberalization to prevent trade distortion, and developing nations seeking a 'Development Box' to protect food security and rural poverty alleviation.

The document argues that the WTO is the wrong forum for a multilateral investment framework because its focus on trade liberalization and non-discrimination would likely restrict domestic policies essential for economic growth, human rights, and environmental protection. The authors contend that the Working Group on the Relationship between Trade and Investment (WGTI) has failed to integrate sustainable development into its processes and that any move toward an investment agreement would contradict the goals of the Doha Development Agenda. They highlight risks such as the 'chilling effect' of investment litigation and the resource imbalances that hinder developing countries in WTO dispute settlements. The statement calls for WTO Members to refrain from discussing negotiation modalities until a transparent analysis proves such an agreement would benefit developing countries and sustainable development.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) argues that the Chairman's Paper overemphasizes economic growth and national governance while neglecting international responsibility and the environmental and social pillars of sustainable development. CIEL proposes amendments to integrate human rights, public health, and environmental protections into the summit's framework, specifically calling for binding corporate accountability, the protection of community-based property rights, and a more balanced approach to intellectual property and trade liberalization.

The guide argues that sustainable development requires moving beyond traditional PR and marketing toward 'engagement,' a process of relationship building that transforms passive audiences into active partners. It outlines a theoretical basis drawing from permission marketing, moves management, and social psychology, proposing an 'engagement pyramid' that moves from information provision to nurturing relationships and finally to joint action. The text provides practical advice on goal setting, audience identification, and a diverse suite of communication tools—ranging from personal contact and print to web content and audio-visuals—to bridge the gap between research and policy implementation.

The policy brief argues for the integration of sustainable development into the FTAA process to overcome a 'fundamental disconnect' between trade and environmental policies in the Americas. It proposes a three-pillar strategy: incorporating specific environmental provisions into the FTAA, strengthening hemispheric environmental cooperation through a proposed 'Americas Ecological Accord', and establishing a High Level Hemispheric Experts Group on Trade and Sustainability to facilitate dialogue with civil society and industry.

The document examines the implementation of the TRIPS Agreement, highlighting how strengthened intellectual property rights may hinder technology transfer and competition in developing countries. It advocates for the use of compulsory licensing, the imposition of obligations on patent holders, and the introduction of general exceptions to protect public health and the environment.

Civil society representatives from Chad and Cameroon argue that the International Advisory Group (IAG) lacks a mandate to address human rights violations, lacks true independence from the World Bank and national governments, and fails to hold oil companies accountable for environmental and social damages.

The report examines the conflict between international trade expansion and environmental protection, highlighting how the World Trade Organization (WTO) typically prioritizes trade rules over environmental measures. It criticizes the U.S. government for abandoning its leadership in this area since the adoption of the NAFTA environmental side agreement and for prioritizing business interests. The authors propose a new foreign policy agenda that includes conditioning the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) on 'readiness criteria' for environmental protection, increasing public and NGO participation in trade policymaking, and strengthening the role of UN institutions like UNEP and UNDP in trade-environment disputes.

The statement 'Beyond March 4' calls upon the scientific community to take an active role in influencing public policy to mitigate the existential risks posed by the technological revolution. It argues that the complexity of modern technology and government secrecy have eroded democratic oversight, concentrating power in the military and administration. The authors assert that scientists have a unique responsibility to educate the public and evaluate the long-term social and global consequences of technology to ensure human survival.