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The text calls for political ecology parties to move beyond niche politics and 'green growth' to lead a systemic overhaul of production and consumption. It identifies three primary challenges for progressive green parties: avoiding dilution while leaving opposition roles, building a broad popular base to counter far-right narratives, and creating an inclusive narrative of progress based on non-material abundance. The author critiques the European Green Deal as 'greenwashing' and advocates for Europe as the primary framework for implementing a project of reconciliation and cooperation, provided it moves beyond current institutional agendas.

The document analyzes the UK's Climate Change Act 2008, highlighting its use of legally binding long-term targets, five-year carbon budgets, and the role of the independent Committee on Climate Change (CCC). It notes that while the UK successfully reduced emissions by 44% relative to 1990 levels by 2018, it faces challenges in meeting future carbon budgets and its 2050 net-zero target. The study suggests Canada could adopt similar frameworks, particularly regarding independent advisory bodies and the integration of adaptation planning into climate law.

The document addresses the challenge of ensuring individual country contributions align with the collective goals of the Paris Agreement through the Global Stocktake (GST). It evaluates the potential and limits of the GST process and suggests specific improvements to maximize its effectiveness, including the use of a performance distributions approach and independent support from academia and civil society.

The report argues that current global governance structures are inadequate for the security risks posed by climate change despite advanced predictive capabilities. It identifies three primary gaps: a lack of standardized global information, a disconnect between climate messengers and security audiences, and a lack of coordination between climate and security policy. To resolve these, the authors propose the R2P2 framework, which includes the creation of an International Climate Security Assessment Panel (ICSAP), the appointment of a UN Permanent Representative for Climate and Security to lead a Climate Security Center (CSC), and the establishment of a UN-level Climate Security Coordination Mechanism (CSCM).

The document argues that climate action must be rights-based to be effective, urging COP-25 to ensure that Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Article 6 mechanisms include social and environmental safeguards. It specifically calls for the ratification of the Escazú Agreement, the establishment of a financial mechanism for loss and damage under the Warsaw International Mechanism, and the integration of gender-responsive approaches in the Lima Work Programme. The briefing also emphasizes the need for independent grievance mechanisms in the Sustainable Development Mechanism to remedy harms to local communities and indigenous peoples.

The document advocates for enhancing public participation in climate policies by leveraging international legal instruments like the Aarhus Convention and the Escazú Agreement. It identifies specific entry points at COP-25—including Article 6 market mechanisms, the Lima Work Programme on Gender, and the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform—where procedural rights and safeguards for environmental defenders should be strengthened. It further suggests using the transparency framework's interactive dialogues to review how public participation improves national climate ambition.

Colombia has made significant progress in aligning its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), National Adaptation Plan (NAP), and Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) strategy. The National Planning Department (DNP) plays a central role in coordinating these agendas, particularly by using the SDG agenda as the entry point for the 2018–2022 National Development Plan. While synergies exist—such as the NAP serving as the basis for the NDC's adaptation component—the document identifies a lack of formal coordination mechanisms between the national climate change system (SISCLIMA) and the High-Level Commission for the SDGs, as well as between the National Disaster Risk Management System and the NAP process.

The report argues that to meet the Paris Agreement's long-term temperature goals, most countries must reach net-zero emissions by 2050 or shortly thereafter, requiring immediate sector-specific planning. It identifies five critical sectors—power, industry, transport, buildings, and agriculture, forestry and other land-use—and warns that delaying strategic choices until after 2030 risks 'carbon lock-in' and inefficient, costly infrastructure transitions. The document advocates for a multi-disciplinary approach to planning, combining scenario modelling to translate global goals into feasible policies, Political Economy Analysis (PEA) to navigate stakeholder interests and political feasibility, and a focus on transparency, finance, and governance to mobilise investment and ensure systemic implementation.

The document outlines the legal frameworks and specific entry points within the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement processes where public participation and access to information can be strengthened. It highlights the Aarhus Convention and Escazú Agreement as regional models for environmental democracy and warns that the lack of procedural rights in the Clean Development Mechanism led to harmful projects. The briefing recommends that the new Sustainable Development Mechanism (SDM) under Article 6.4 include robust stakeholder consultation and an independent grievance redress mechanism. It further suggests that the review of the Doha Work Programme and the updating of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) by 2020 be used to enhance the participation of local communities, indigenous peoples, and women.

The IAI Directorate is implementing Phase One of its Long-Term Funding Strategy, which focuses on planning, preparation, and identifying potential donors across philanthropy, entertainment, politics, and technology sectors. Key efforts include seeking 501(c)(3) tax-exempt status in the United States to facilitate external funding and pursuing 'Readiness Delivery Partner' status with the Green Climate Fund to support member countries. The IAI is also engaging in strategic partnerships, such as a climate resilient governance program for megacities in South America involving Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, and a global project on climate change and migration (SOURCES) led by the University of Amsterdam.

The document outlines the progressive emergence of human rights as a crosscutting issue within UN climate governance since 2010. It details specific references in the Cancun Agreements and the Paris Agreement, the role of UNFCCC constituted bodies in applying human rights standards, and the extent to which State Parties have included human rights in their national reports and Nationally Determined Contributions.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) asserts that emission reductions and adaptation are the primary responses to climate change. While opposing the deployment of solar geoengineering due to environmental, ethical, and geopolitical risks, UCS supports computer modeling and the study of natural events like volcanic eruptions. The organization opposes large-scale stratospheric tests and maintains that small-scale outdoor experiments must be subject to transparent, inclusive, and independent governance mechanisms involving climate-vulnerable communities.

ClientEarth warns that the Governance Regulation (GR) may allow EU Member States to bypass meaningful public participation during the initial drafting of National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs). The briefing argues that waiting until after the first draft is submitted to the European Commission risks ignoring the interests of citizens and renewable energy developers in favor of fossil fuel operators. It highlights potential legal breaches of the Aarhus Convention and the SEA Directive, noting that some countries, such as Romania, have provided insufficient consultation windows (seven days). ClientEarth calls for a minimum eight-week consultation period before the first draft submission to ensure all policy options remain open.

The document argues that public participation is essential for the effective implementation of climate action, citing IPCC findings that stakeholder engagement increases the likelihood of success. It outlines specific entry points for enhancing procedural rights within the Paris Agreement's framework, including Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), Adaptation Communications, the Transparency Framework, the Global Stocktake, and Article 6 mechanisms. It also emphasizes the need for an independent grievance redress mechanism for the Sustainable Development Mechanism and the operationalization of the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform to ensure indigenous voices are reflected in the UNFCCC process.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) faces a crisis of confidence as it nears the end of its first funding period. The World Resources Institute outlines five key priorities for the GCF Board's final 2018 meeting in Bahrain: approving a record 20 funding proposals worth $1.1 billion, accrediting 16 new partners while managing capacity constraints, establishing a process for the fund's first replenishment, reforming decision-making to move beyond a strict unanimity-based consensus model, and conducting a comprehensive performance review of its portfolio.

The report explores how jurisdictions can cooperate through 'carbon pricing clubs' to link carbon pricing instruments (CPIs) and reduce emissions cost-effectively. By analyzing non-climate institutions—specifically APEC, MTCR, OECD, and IFTA—the authors identify key governance dimensions: membership rules, decision-making processes, and compliance mechanisms. The report argues that 'hard coordination' and exclusive membership are essential for maintaining environmental integrity, while centralized secretariats can reduce administrative burdens and facilitate technical alignment. It concludes that a combination of strict accession criteria, peer-review processes, and flexible decision-making (such as majority voting) can help clubs adapt to changing political and economic circumstances while safeguarding their environmental goals.

The document provides specific wording suggestions to ensure that the Paris Agreement's rights-based vision is reflected in the guidelines for Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), the Transparency Framework, the Global Stocktake, and Article 6 mechanisms. It emphasizes that these guidelines should promote the integration of human rights, gender equality, and indigenous rights without creating new obligations for Parties or new conditionalities for climate finance.

The document argues that aligning national policy processes—specifically those related to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), and Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) strategies—increases the coherence, efficiency, and effectiveness of climate-resilient development. It defines alignment as the identification of synergies between policies with common goals and presents a continuum of alignment ranging from informal collaboration to systematic alignment. The briefing emphasizes that while alignment is often hindered by administrative barriers between government ministries, it is essential for reducing the burden on subnational actors and improving overall development outcomes.

The report examines how Carbon Removal and Solar Geoengineering might interact with the 17 Sustainable Development Goals. It finds that at least 13 of the 17 SDGs would be affected by these technologies, with at least 9 facing significant risks. While these interventions could mitigate some climate-driven threats to development, they introduce novel physical, socio-economic, and political risks, including land-use conflicts, water scarcity, and international political tensions. The authors emphasize substantial knowledge gaps and call for transdisciplinary, geographically diverse research and robust global governance to ensure such technologies do not hinder sustainable development.

The document argues that the EU must stop blocking progress on a conflict of interest policy at the UNFCCC to prevent fossil fuel companies and their lobby groups from undermining the ambition of the Paris Agreement.