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The briefing examines the mutual distrust between the Kenyan government and civil society organisations (CSOs), arguing that CSOs are essential for enforcing good governance, transparency, and accountability within the security sector. It highlights the role of CSOs in community policing and human rights advocacy while identifying barriers such as poor governance and a lack of political will. The document recommends that CSOs be used as platforms for public debate and the setting of norms to guide government actions.

The paper examines the failure of structural adjustment programs and subsequent 'good governance' initiatives in Africa. It posits that the tension between formal institutional norms and informal neo-patrimonial practices—where leaders prioritize clients over the general public—has led to state decay. The author argues that for governance to be effective, it must be conceptualized locally, integrating informal realities into development plans rather than merely replicating Western models of transparency and accountability.

The document explores the tension between 'mainstream' and 'progressive' regionalism in Southeast Asia. It argues that while ASEAN has introduced a 'people-oriented' approach to gain support, civil society advocates for a 'people-centred' model where citizens are at the heart of decision-making. The author details the evolution of civil society engagement, from early academic and business influence via ASEAN-ISIS to more aggressive advocacy by networks like the Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacies (SAPA). The paper concludes that alternative regionalism is emerging as a bottom-up process seeking to integrate human rights, social protection, and democratic participation into the regional framework.

The report outlines a framework for African civil society organizations (CSOs) to engage with the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, moving away from security-only responses toward a holistic approach emphasizing human rights and development. It recommends that CSOs provide research, capacity-building, and monitoring to support implementation, while urging the UN and African governments to provide more transparency and operational space for these organizations. The document suggests integrating counter-terrorism efforts into existing peace-building and governance networks and proposes the eventual creation of a dedicated CSO network to coordinate activities across the Strategy's four pillars.

The document examines the concept of 'national ownership' within the context of the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty, arguing that while the treaty mandates state responsibility, the reality is often dominated by international organizations. It proposes a model where national ownership is viewed as a relational process involving the relative strengths of state institutions and civil society, the actual scope of the mine problem, and the strategies of international donors. The author suggests that sustainable ownership is more likely to be achieved by engaging local civil society and indigenous capacities early in the process rather than relying solely on Western-style state-building.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) failed to spark a national conversation in South Africa due to the government's determination to dominate the process and a systemic failure to engage the media. The author argues that the review process was centralised within the office of Public Service and Administration Minister Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi, which marginalised civil society and led to a Country Self-Assessment Report (CSAR) that reflected government views rather than a broad public consensus. While the Sunday Times provided consistent coverage, it faced hostility from the government when reporting on the findings of the Eminent Persons Panel, which contradicted official narratives on issues like crime and child safety. The paper concludes that for the APRM to be an effective vehicle for policy development, it requires greater transparency, a separation of the Focal Point and National Governing Council (NGC) chair roles, and a responsive media strategy from the APRM Secretariat.

The author argues that the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) in South Africa missed a critical opportunity for public engagement because the government, specifically through the office of Minister Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi, centralized and dominated the process. This centralization marginalized civil society and the media, leading to a lack of transparency and public interest. The paper highlights the tension between the Sunday Times, which attempted critical coverage of the process, and the government, which reacted defensively to reports on national failures such as crime and child safety. It concludes that for the APRM to be an effective policy tool, governments must adopt a less defensive posture, ensure genuine transparency, and actively engage the media to translate complex reports into public-interest news.

The paper examines the requirements for effective anti-corruption systems, particularly in new democracies and developing countries. It argues against relying solely on a single anti-corruption agency, suggesting instead a matrix of legal and oversight institutions. The author emphasizes that political will and ethical leadership are the most difficult but essential components for success. The text highlights the role of data in targeting resources and the importance of a partnership approach, citing South Africa's National Anti-Corruption Forum as an example, while cautioning that such partnerships must not undermine the ability of civil society to hold the government accountable.

The paper examines the methodological requirements for conducting credible representative public opinion surveys within the framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It contrasts the limitations of 'participatory' consultations—which often suffer from self-selection bias—with the precision of random probability sampling. The author provides technical guidance on sample sizes, the necessity of accurate census data, and the importance of sampling individual citizens rather than household heads. It also outlines the practical costs and timelines for implementing such surveys in Africa, suggesting that national surveys of 1,200 respondents typically cost between $85,000 and $125,000.

The paper examines the requirements for sustainable anti-corruption reforms, emphasizing that single-agency approaches are often insufficient. It advocates for a matrix of legal and supervisory institutions, the use of objective institutional audits like the Global Integrity Index, and the necessity of political will to prevent the weaponization of anti-corruption efforts against political opponents. The author highlights the role of civil society and independent media in maintaining accountability and provides examples of both successful and failed initiatives in South Africa, Kenya, and Nigeria.

The research paper examines the 'Anti-Third Term Campaign' in Zambia (2000-2001), detailing how a broad coalition called the Oasis Forum—comprising lawyers, religious leaders, MPs, and NGOs—mobilized public opposition to President Frederick Chiluba's attempt to bypass constitutional term limits. It describes the government's use of District Administrators to intimidate dissenters and the counter-strategies used by activists, such as the 'Cathedral Declaration' and public symbols of defiance. The paper concludes that the campaign's success was due to a simple message, strong leadership, and mass mobilization, offering these as lessons for other governance processes like the African Peer Review Mechanism.

The paper argues that civil society organisations (CSOs) should not dismiss parliaments as 'rubber stamps' but instead build strategic partnerships with individual members of parliament (MPs). It emphasizes the importance of understanding electoral systems to identify independent-minded MPs, providing high-quality non-partisan research to resource-poor legislators, and cultivating 'champions' within the governing party. The author highlights that credibility and public legitimacy—built through community rooting and financial transparency—are more valuable than funding when influencing policy. Practical guidance is provided on lobbying, media engagement, and monitoring MP performance through 'report cards' to drive accountability during elections.

The document outlines how civil society organizations (CSOs) can move beyond the perception of parliaments as rubber-stamp bodies to actively influence policy. It emphasizes the importance of understanding electoral systems—noting that single-member districts often produce more independent legislators—and the necessity of providing non-partisan, evidence-based information to resource-constrained parliamentarians. The author advocates for building long-term relationships with 'champions' within the ruling party, maintaining organizational transparency to ensure credibility, and using media and public pressure to support legislative goals.

The research paper examines the 2000-2001 Zambian campaign against President Frederick Chiluba's attempt to secure a third term. It details the government's use of District Administrators to intimidate opponents and the subsequent formation of the Forum Oasis—a coalition of lawyers, religious leaders, and activists. The document highlights the effectiveness of diverse mobilization tactics, such as the use of green ribbons and independent media, and provides lessons for future civic activism and the African Peer Review Mechanism.

The document details the efforts of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) to influence South Africa's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process between 2004 and 2008. It argues that the South African government attempted to control the process by excluding specialist NGOs, staffing the National Governing Council (NGC) with government officials, and conducting final drafting of the Country Self-Assessment Report (CSAR) and Programme of Action (POA) behind closed doors. Despite these obstacles, ODAC successfully lobbied for the inclusion of access to information and whistleblower protection in the final binding POA, although the authors note that many of their specific detailed recommendations were omitted.

The document analyzes the tendency of executive branches in African governments to monopolize power, often resulting in the 'big man' cult of personality. It argues that while constitutional frameworks for the separation of powers exist, they are frequently undermined by political realities, lack of resources, and colonial legacies. The author suggests that effective legislative and judicial bodies, supported by an informed and active civil society, are essential to curbing executive abuse and ensuring good governance.

The author contends that Nigeria's implementation of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has been marred by government manipulation, poor planning around election cycles, and the exclusion of independent civil society. The paper suggests that the transition to President Yar’adua's administration provides an opportunity to restore the process's credibility by removing government control over the Country Self-Assessment Report (CSAR) and the Programme of Action (PoA).

The report details a scoping workshop held in Johannesburg in October 2010 to launch the APRM Monitoring Project (AMP). The project seeks to empower civil society organisations (CSOs) in Southern Africa to track the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoA) through the APRM Monitoring & Advocacy Template (AMAT). The workshop identified challenges such as limited CSO resources, low public visibility of the APRM, and the need for collaborative rather than antagonistic relationships with governments. Lessons from Uganda's NGO Forum highlighted the value of aligning APRM monitoring with existing governance networks. The workshop concluded with a consensus on the need for an independent, inclusive, and grassroots-oriented review process.

The report examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), an African self-monitoring tool for governance, democracy, and human rights adopted under the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad). Based on a five-year research project by the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), the text analyzes the rules, national governance, and research processes of the APRM. It specifically focuses on the experiences of five pioneer countries—Ghana, Kenya, Rwanda, Mauritius, and South Africa—to identify the political dynamics and the role of civil society in making the process credible. The document argues that the APRM represents a 'governance revolution' in Africa, shifting from post-independence rule by decree toward accountability and transparency.

The document explains the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a voluntary process for African governments and citizens to assess governance and implement reforms. It outlines a five-step methodology for civil society organisations (CSOs) to create effective written submissions: identifying a focused issue, gathering evidence from diverse sources, developing persuasive arguments, building consensus through circulation, and submitting to the correct official bodies. The guide emphasises that evidence-backed submissions are more impactful than oral presentations and provides examples of successful advocacy by groups in Uganda and South Africa.