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The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment (CAPE) asserts that the government must shift from risk management to a hazard prevention paradigm to protect public health. Key recommendations include eliminating fossil fuel subsidies, reforming the Canadian Environmental Protection Act (CEPA), implementing a just transition for workers and Indigenous peoples, and adopting a planetary health lens to integrate climate adaptation and mitigation.

Based on a September 2021 survey of 898 registered voters, the report finds broad support for various climate-friendly policies, including energy efficiency incentives and renewable energy research, though levels of support vary significantly by political affiliation. While a majority of voters believe clean energy will boost economic growth and job creation, there is a notable gap between the willingness of voters to support climate actions and their actual engagement in political activism over the preceding year.

The Center for Climate Integrity asserts that the American Petroleum Institute (API) spent decades coordinating a campaign of deception regarding the dangers of fossil fuels despite early internal research predicting catastrophic climate events. The document claims API has evolved from outright denial to 'greenwashing' and continues to lobby against climate legislation and federal leasing moratoriums while providing political cover for its member companies.

The Center for Climate Integrity asserts that ExxonMobil possessed internal knowledge of the catastrophic impacts of fossil fuels as early as the 1970s while simultaneously funding a decades-long campaign to discredit climate science. The statement highlights a discrepancy between internal scientific consensus and public advertorials, the use of 'shadow groups' to oppose government action, and the company's current production plans which contradict the goals of the Paris Agreement.

The South African Youth Climate Action Plan (SA YCAP) is a comprehensive framework developed by young people aged 13-30 to advocate for an intersectional and just transition to a decarbonised economy. It calls for the integration of youth in policymaking, the implementation of a national climate education plan, and a shift from fossil fuel dependency to decentralised renewable energy. The plan emphasizes the need for good governance to combat corruption in climate finance and proposes specific nature-based solutions and sustainable agricultural practices to protect South Africa's biodiversity and food security.

The report identifies five key Water-Smart Agriculture (WSA) innovation clusters in South Africa: irrigation systems, smart farming, undercover farming, sustainable practices, and drought-tolerant crops. While commercial farms have adopted many of these technologies due to economies of scale, adoption remains low among smallholder and emerging farmers. The analysis estimates significant market sizes for high-tech greenhouses (R11.78 billion) and no-till machinery (R4.48 billion), while identifying remote sensing services as a high-growth area. Major barriers include high upfront costs, limited technical skills, and an unfriendly regulatory environment. The report recommends developing innovative financing models, increasing farmer awareness, and strengthening government support through tax rebates and policy integration.

The document argues that progress on loss and damage (L&D) finance has been stalled by disagreements over liability and compensation. It proposes a near-term 'solidarity-based' approach to unlock funding without requiring strict legal liability, while advocating for the eventual creation of a formal L&D mechanism within the UNFCCC. The authors emphasize that L&D finance must be additional to mitigation and adaptation funding and should be distributed based on a needs-based approach prioritizing the most vulnerable populations.

The document analyzes the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) as a shift in climate policy toward trade and economic levers. It highlights the growth of carbon pricing globally, including the EU ETS and China's national ETS, and suggests that COP26 should be used to establish a 'green window' for preferential treatment of green goods and a mechanism to allocate CBAM revenues to vulnerable countries to ensure a just transition.

The report finds broad support among U.S. registered voters for clean energy policies and government action on global warming, though views on economic impacts and specific political actions remain divided along party lines.

A September 2021 survey of 898 registered U.S. voters reveals broad support for clean energy policies and the prioritization of global warming by the federal government, though significant ideological divides persist regarding economic impacts and the use of national emergency declarations.

The document proposes that Indonesia generate approximately IDR 261 trillion per year by reforming fossil fuel subsidies and introducing new taxes on coal and transport fuels. These funds could cover COVID-19 health and social protection expenditures while supporting a transition to renewable energy. The authors recommend a phased approach to price reform, including targeted social safety nets to protect vulnerable populations from rising energy costs.

The briefing proposes a coal tax for Indonesia to address the environmental and health costs of coal, which accounts for 40% of the energy sector's carbon emissions. Drawing on India's experience with a coal 'cess', the authors suggest a tax of IDR 78,700 (USD 5.50) per tonne, which could generate IDR 49 trillion (USD 3.6 billion) annually. This revenue could fund a just transition, compensate vulnerable households for rising electricity prices, and incentivize clean energy investment. The document notes that while Indonesia is considering an emissions trading scheme (ETS) and a carbon tax, these take longer to implement, making a targeted coal tax a more immediate and administratively simpler solution.

The report evaluates nine financing options for a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) in South Africa, focusing on progressive tax measures. Key proposals include a Social Security Tax, a Resource Rent Tax, and the selective removal of tax credits for high earners. The analysis finds that a UBIG aligned with the Food Poverty Line (FPL) for 60% of the population could be fully financed by these measures. The report also models the impact of different implementation speeds on South Africa's national debt and primary balance, suggesting that the FPL grant is the most fiscally feasible over the medium term.

The document proposes a suite of financing mechanisms to fund a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) in South Africa, focusing on progressive taxation and the reduction of government waste. Key proposals include a ring-fenced Social Security Tax, a Resource Rent Tax on extractive industries, and a wealth tax for the top 1% of the population. The brief argues that many UBIG scenarios, particularly those aligned with national poverty lines, are immediately affordable without borrowing if these revenue-generating measures and VAT recoupments are implemented.

The Institute for Economic Justice proposes a suite of financing mechanisms to fund a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) in South Africa, focusing on progressive taxation and the reduction of government waste. Key proposals include a ring-fenced Social Security Tax (SST) with rates between 1.5% and 3%, a Resource Rent Tax on extractive industries, and the selective removal of tax deductions for high-income earners regarding pension funds and medical aid. The brief also suggests implementing a 25% luxury VAT, a wealth tax for the top 1% and 0.1%, and a Financial Transactions Tax (FTT) of 0.1%. Additionally, it argues for the cancellation of the Employment Tax Incentive and the reversal of proposed Corporate Income Tax reductions. The document concludes that many UBIG scenarios, particularly those aligned with national poverty lines, are affordable without borrowing if these revenue-generating measures and reductions in irregular government expenditure are adopted.

The report examines the implementation of a border carbon adjustment (BCA) in Canada to mitigate 'leakage'—where emissions-intensive and trade-exposed (EITE) sectors relocate or are undercut by foreign competitors with lower carbon costs. It proposes two primary design paths: a regulation-based BCA extending the existing output-based pricing system (OBPS) or a tax-based BCA accompanying a full carbon tax. The authors identify 11 high-risk product categories, including bitumen and synthetic crude oil, which represent 34% of Canada's GHG emissions. The report analyzes the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and the U.S. approach, noting that while the U.S. lacks a national carbon price, it may use low-carbon standards or Section 232 tariffs. Key recommendations include coordinating with the EU and U.S. to harmonize benchmarks and ensuring the system is 'future-proofed' to accommodate a transition from the OBPS to full carbon pricing.

The report presents survey data from 922 registered U.S. voters, revealing broad support for various climate-friendly energy and conservation policies, though opinions on economic impacts and the urgency of federal action remain sharply divided along political lines.

Carbon Market Watch defends its investigation into Colombian forestry projects, arguing that these projects produce 'hot air' credits that allow fossil fuel companies to avoid paying national carbon taxes. The organization refutes Verra's claims that its methodology was flawed, asserting that multiple assessment methods—including national reference levels and Ministry of Environment estimates—confirm the overestimation of emission reductions. It further contends that Verra's claims regarding community benefits lack transparency and that current auditing processes have failed to ensure environmental integrity.

The report analyzes the Mataven and Kaliawiri REDD+ projects in Colombia, finding they generated approximately 21 million more carbon credits than justified by official government reference values. These 'hot air' credits were used by companies, primarily Primax Colombia SAS, to avoid paying the national carbon tax, leading to an estimated US$62 million in potential forgone tax revenues. The document attributes this to a system failure involving conflicts of interest for verification bodies, lack of stringency from standards like Verra (VCS) and ProClima, and insufficient enforcement by the Colombian Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development.

A policy brief by Carbon Market Watch analyzing how the Matavén and Kaliawiri REDD+ projects in Colombia used artificially high baselines to generate millions of excess carbon credits. These credits were used by companies, primarily Primax Colombia SAS, to avoid paying the national carbon tax, leading to an estimated $33 million loss in state revenue from these two projects alone. The report highlights systemic failures involving project promoters, verification bodies, and the Colombian Ministry of Environment.