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The document identifies a regional trend where Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico have used the COVID-19 economic recovery as a justification to expand fossil fuel extraction and subsidies, often framing natural gas as a 'bridge fuel' or citing 'energy sovereignty'. This approach creates a 'carbon lock-in' that contradicts their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and increases the risk of stranded assets. The report highlights the central role of state-owned enterprises (such as PEMEX, YPF, and Petrobras) in maintaining this fossil-fuel dependency and notes a general absence of concrete just transition plans for affected workers and communities.

The United Arab Emirates is the first Gulf state to announce a national drive to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050, with plans to invest $163 billion in renewable energy. The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) suggests that the UAE can leverage its technical capacity to scale low-carbon hydrogen and carbon capture and storage (CCS) to decarbonize its energy exports and support global climate targets. Key recommendations include expanding wind and solar power, developing both blue and green hydrogen, joining the Global Methane Pledge, and establishing international frameworks for clean fuel certification.

The document examines the resurgence of carbon capture and storage (CCS) in Europe as a critical tool for decarbonizing heavy industries and achieving Paris Agreement targets. It analyzes EU-level policies like the TEN-E Regulation and the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS), alongside financing tools such as the Innovation Fund and Connecting Europe Facility (CEF). The paper highlights a strategic shift toward 'carbon management hubs' to achieve economies of scale and reviews national progress in Norway, the UK, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, and Germany, concluding that existing policy levers may be insufficient for the required scale-up.

The document advocates for the strategic use of "blue" hydrogen to accelerate decarbonization in sectors like heavy trucking, shipping, and steel production. It argues that relying solely on "green" hydrogen (electrolysis via renewables) would require an impractical increase in wind and solar capacity—potentially 40 times current U.S. levels—and excessive land use. While acknowledging that blue hydrogen's climate benefit depends on high carbon capture rates and low upstream methane leaks, the author asserts that these technical goals are feasible today. The document concludes that policymakers should implement tiered incentives tied to lifecycle greenhouse gas performance to ensure hydrogen production actually supports net-zero goals.

The report identifies 90 advertising and PR companies working for the fossil fuel industry, highlighting a conflict between the sustainability pledges of major holding companies and their continued representation of high-polluting clients. It details specific case studies of disinformation and lobbying efforts in the US, Australia, and the EU, while warning that the term 'Net Zero' is being used as a primary tool for greenwashing ahead of the 2021 Glasgow climate talks.

The report analyzes the role of hydrogen in the energy transition, contrasting 'green hydrogen' (produced via renewable-powered electrolysis) with the current industry standard of steam methane reformation (SMR) from fossil fuels. It warns that the oil and gas industry uses hydrogen rhetoric to justify continued fossil fuel infrastructure and delay electrification. The authors argue that green hydrogen should be reserved for 'hard-to-electrify' sectors like maritime shipping and high-heat industrial processes, while being rejected for use in passenger vehicles, home appliances, and gas-fired power plants due to energy inefficiency, high costs, and pollution risks.

The report examines how the EU sustainable taxonomy, originally designed to be science-based, has been influenced by industry lobbying to potentially include fossil gas and nuclear energy. It argues that gas is not a sustainable transition fuel due to methane leaks and carbon lock-in, and that nuclear energy fails the 'do no significant harm' (DNSH) principle due to waste and safety risks. The document details the scale of lobbying efforts, identifying hundreds of meetings between EU officials and industry representatives, and criticizes the EU Commission for deferring decisions on these technologies to future legislation and relying on flawed technical reports.

The report identifies five key technical solutions for net-zero—energy efficiency, electrification, low-carbon fuels, heavy industry decarbonization, and carbon removal—and five strategic recommendations for Canada, including the creation of industry consortia, Indigenous leadership, a whole-of-government approach, a just transition for workers, and a transparent framework for carbon offsets.

The report argues that while the oil sector has historically driven Alberta's economy, its long-term outlook is bleak due to the rise of electric vehicles, global climate action, and price volatility. It recommends that the government shift industrial policy support away from combustible hydrocarbons toward economic diversification and managed transitions for workers.

The analysis evaluates Estonia's readiness for a hydrogen economy, focusing on the transport and industrial sectors as primary drivers for decarbonization. It models two scenarios (low and high) for hydrogen penetration by 2050, estimating that total investments could reach EUR 22.4 to 44.7 billion. The report highlights that while the transport sector—particularly shipping and rail—and the production of green ammonia and methanol offer the highest potential, significant barriers exist, including a lack of refueling infrastructure, high initial costs, and the need for a national hydrogen strategy. To unlock this potential, the study emphasizes the necessity of increasing renewable electricity capacity, specifically through offshore wind, and providing public investment to kick-start the market.

The analysis identifies significant potential for hydrogen adoption in Estonia's transport, industrial, energy, and building sectors. Under an ambitious scenario by 2050, Estonia could avoid 2.2 to 4.4 million tonnes of CO2 emissions and create up to 42,432 jobs, requiring total investments between 22.4 and 44.7 billion euros. The report highlights shipping and rail transport as high-potential areas due to technology maturity and high energy demand, while suggesting that ammonia and methanol production could turn Estonia from an importer to an exporter. Achieving these goals would require substantial increases in renewable electricity capacity, potentially doubling current demand projections, and a comprehensive national hydrogen strategy to coordinate regulatory and financial support.

Singapore aims for climate neutrality after 2050, focusing on hydrogen as a key decarbonization enabler due to its limited renewable energy potential. The country's economy is heavily export-oriented, with industrial activities and the power sector contributing 46% and 39% of GHG emissions, respectively. Singapore is exploring low-carbon hydrogen for electricity generation, heavy-duty transport, and industrial fuel, while considering ammonia for maritime bunkering. While blue hydrogen is feasible, the lack of domestic geological formations for CO2 storage necessitates partnerships with neighboring countries. Singapore leverages its position as a global port and refining hub to aim for a future role as a hydrogen hub within a developing global supply chain.

The brief warns that funding for blue hydrogen may conflict with Canada's goals to phase out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 and reach net-zero by 2050. It recommends that subsidies for hydrogen based on natural gas without significant carbon capture and storage be ineligible for assistance, and that blue hydrogen only receive support if it matches the environmental performance and cost of green hydrogen.

The document examines Canada's approach to the hydrogen economy, specifically the tension between supporting 'blue hydrogen' (fossil fuel-based with carbon capture) and 'green hydrogen' (renewable-based). It argues that blue hydrogen is less environmentally effective due to methane leaks and high costs of carbon capture and storage (CCS), and is likely to be out-competed by green hydrogen by 2030. The author contends that subsidies for blue hydrogen constitute fossil fuel subsidies that undermine Canada's climate goals and net-zero 2050 target, recommending strict environmental and cost criteria for any public funding.

The UK is implementing a tiered 'Cluster Sequencing Process' to deploy industrial CCUS and low-carbon hydrogen, aiming for 10 GW of hydrogen production and 6-9 Mt CO2 per annum of industrial capture by 2030-2035. While the government has developed five distinct business models to provide capital and revenue support, industry stakeholders report that delivery is 6 to 12 months behind schedule. The UK possesses a significant competitive advantage in storage capacity, with an estimated 78 Gt of CO2 storage potential, the largest in Europe.

The report examines the role of the advertising and PR industry in supporting fossil fuel companies, arguing that these agencies facilitate greenwashing and disinformation. It highlights a growing movement of professionals rejecting such work and documents the contradiction between the sustainability pledges of major agency holding companies and their continued representation of high-polluting clients. The document provides a list of 90 agencies working for the fossil fuel industry and presents case studies of misleading campaigns in Australia, the United States, and Europe.

The authors evaluate the EU's Next Generation EU and Germany's national recovery strategy, noting that while multi-billion-euro figures are earmarked for climate action, much of the funding remains conditional or unquantified. Drawing on the 2008 financial crisis, where green recovery efforts failed to prevent a global emissions rebound in 2010, the paper emphasizes the role of parliamentarians in overseeing budgets and implementing mechanisms like carbon border taxes to ensure a genuine energy transition.

The briefing positions hydrogen as a necessary partner to electrification in the energy transition, particularly for heavy industry and long-range transport. It details the transition from fossil-fuel-based 'grey' and 'blue' hydrogen to 'green' hydrogen produced via renewable-powered electrolysis. The text highlights hydrogen's potential to decarbonize mineral extraction and steelmaking, while noting that global production must scale significantly from current levels to align with science-based climate pathways.

The pilot study, conducted by the University of Siena, surveyed experts in Belgium and France across two waves between December 2023 and December 2024. Findings indicate high expert support for renewable energy, green hydrogen, and energy storage, while support for blue hydrogen, gas, coal, and oil remains low. There is a strong consensus that the economic benefits of clean technology investment outweigh short-term costs. While a majority of experts believe governments should do more to address climate change, the perceived importance of climate change as a top issue for voters decreased over time, particularly in Belgium, as concerns over defense and security increased.

The report by Climate Action Against Disinformation (CAAD) analyzes ten 'misleading claims' used by fossil fuel interests to delay the energy transition. It argues that fossil fuels are the primary driver of climate change, with 36.6 billion tonnes of the 40.5 billion global CO2 emissions in 2022 originating from their use. The document debunks claims that emissions—rather than fossil fuels themselves—are the problem, and challenges the industry's focus on Scope 1 and 2 emissions, noting that Scope 3 emissions account for 80-95% of total carbon emissions for oil and gas companies. It further critiques technological 'solutions' like Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), Direct Air Capture (DAC), e-fuels, and 'blue' hydrogen, characterizing them as expensive, inefficient, or unproven at the scale required to limit warming to 1.5C. Finally, it argues that fossil fuel reliance hinders economic growth in Africa and Asia and exacerbates the global cost-of-living crisis.