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The document examines the IBSA coalition's shift from purely political goals, such as UN Security Council reform, toward tangible cooperation in renewable energy, biotechnology, and social development. While noting a 600% increase in trilateral trade to $3bn, it argues that IBSA is a complement to, rather than a replacement for, north-south trade and investment. It highlights the creation of an IBSA development fund with $1.5m in start-up capital for social projects, though it notes this fund lacks significant financial leverage.

The briefing examines the 'ideational shift' and 'rational adaptation' of developing countries in the WTO, moving from individual participation to the use of formal and informal coalitions. It argues that these coalitions allow the 'South' to pool resources and increase their collective power to influence decision-making, particularly since the launch of the Doha negotiations. The author highlights that while developed countries no longer dominate WTO governance, a stalemate persists due to resistance to the South's development agenda. The document concludes that the WTO experience provides a model for improving developing country action in other global economic institutions.

The report analyzes China's engagement with the Lusophone world through the Macau Forum, established in 2003. It argues that China uses the forum as a foreign policy instrument to secure energy and food security, expand its consumer markets, and increase soft power in Africa, Latin America, and Asia. While trade volumes grew from $11 billion in 2003 to $34 billion in 2006, the report notes that most significant economic agreements remain bilateral. Brazil and Angola are identified as the most critical partners due to their vast natural resources and economic scale. The document also highlights the role of Macau as a service platform and provides policy recommendations for China, the Lusophone states, and the Forum to improve transparency and mutual benefit.

The report examines the 'aid for trade' concept, which aims to help developing countries, particularly least-developed countries (LDCs), build supply-side capacity and infrastructure to benefit from the multilateral trading system. It analyzes the recommendations of the WTO Task Force on Aid for Trade, the role of the African Group, and the impact of other initiatives like the Enhanced Integrated Framework (IF) and Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the EU. The author argues that for aid for trade to be effective in southern and eastern Africa, it must be driven by the recipient countries, integrated into national development strategies, and delinked from market access concessions in the Doha Round.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic shift from its role as a dominant power in southern Africa during and after the apartheid era to a leader of the 'Global South'. It examines how South Africa uses its influence in the UN and within non-aligned blocs to challenge Western diplomatic dominance and advocate for a more equitable global order. The author highlights specific diplomatic actions regarding Iran and Myanmar as evidence of this strategy to shift power away from the UN Security Council toward the General Assembly and other non-Western constellations.

The report examines China's development policy in Africa, highlighting its shift from political goals to economic priorities, specifically energy security and market expansion. It contrasts China's 'non-interference' approach with Western conditionality, noting that China's willingness to engage with 'rogue states' provides it a comparative advantage in securing resources. While critics argue this undermines governance and debt relief, the authors suggest that China's presence breaks the traditional 'aid cartel' and may encourage G8 donors to improve aid effectiveness. The report recommends that Western donors integrate China into a collaborative development strategy rather than demonising its approach.

The briefing details a seminar on South-South economic cooperation within the IBSA (India, Brazil, South Africa) framework. While trilateral trade is increasing, the document highlights significant barriers to deeper economic integration, including logistical constraints, bureaucratic hurdles, and a lack of market awareness. A substantial portion of the discussion focuses on the aerospace industry, concluding that while the countries possess complementary strengths in niches like space (India), passenger aircraft (Brazil), and electronics (South Africa), cooperation is currently minimal. The participants argue that IBSA should not attempt to compete with global giants like Boeing or EADS, but rather collaborate to better integrate into existing global supply chains through government-facilitated business interactions.

The report assesses the potential for aerospace co-operation between India, Brazil, and South Africa (IBSA). It details South Africa's aerospace and defence capabilities, the government's Aerospace Industry Support Initiative (AISI), and the role of industrial participation policies in integrating firms like Aerosud and Denel into global supply chains. While identifying three key areas for IBSA collaboration—expanding supply chains, strategic defence systems, and small satellites—the report highlights significant barriers, most notably corruption allegations against Denel by the Indian government and the challenge of balancing South-South co-operation with existing partnerships with 'first-tier' global contractors.

The report assesses the potential for aerospace collaboration between India, Brazil, and South Africa, noting that while there is high political interest and complementary capabilities, actual collaboration is currently minimal. It highlights South Africa's strategic shift toward becoming a preferred supplier of subsystems to global contractors, exemplified by its role in the Airbus A400M programme. Key opportunities for IBSA co-operation include expanding supply chains for regional aircraft, collaborating on strategic defence systems, and developing small and micro satellites. However, the report identifies significant barriers, most notably corruption allegations involving Denel and the Indian government, as well as the challenge of balancing South-South co-operation with existing partnerships with 'first-tier' Northern contractors.

The expiration of the Multi-Fibre Agreement (MFA) quotas has shifted the global textile trade from a protected regime to a competitive market, leading to fears that China and India will dominate US and EU markets. African nations, despite preferential access through AGOA and EBA, face significant market share declines and job losses. The document argues that African countries must improve efficiency, diversify economies, and leverage South-South cooperation to survive the transition.

The SADC Barometer assesses the restructuring of SADC institutions, noting that while the transition from sectoral units to four central directorates was completed by December 2002, the process suffered from missed deadlines, understaffing, and a lack of human resource planning. The report highlights significant economic and political divergence within the region, particularly the dominance of South Africa, and warns that political instability in Zimbabwe and the impact of HIV/AIDS on food security threaten regional stability. It also examines the challenges of implementing a regional Free Trade Area, citing restrictive rules of origin and non-tariff barriers as major obstacles, while discussing the potential of South-South cooperation through a SACU-Mercosur trade agreement.

The document assesses the integration of renewable energy (RE) targets in Asian countries, highlighting national goals in Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Lao PDR, and China. It emphasizes that while RE technologies are feasible and market-oriented, their deployment in Asia is hindered by a lack of financing mechanisms and inadequate management capacity. The author argues for the use of legal instruments, South-South collaboration for 'appropriate' (small-scale) technologies, and innovative financing like revolving funds to overcome high upfront costs.

The report details the proceedings of the 4th GCPC, highlighting the critical need for a science-policy interface amidst rising populism and funding cuts. It identifies governance and finance as overarching challenges, while specifically examining urban adaptation, land use coordination, trade regulations under WTO norms, and the necessity of a just energy transition in the Global South.

The Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI), the Alliance for Just Deliberation on Solar Geoengineering (DSG), and the Degrees Initiative are organizing a three-part workshop series for policymakers in the Americas. The program focuses on solar radiation modification (SRM), specifically stratospheric aerosol injection (SAI) and marine cloud brightening (MCB), to address the knowledge gap between the Global North and South. The series includes two virtual workshops and one in-person simulation to help participants develop national and regional positions for international forums like UNEA and the UNFCCC.

The report examines the role of South-South and Triangular Cooperation (SSTC) in fostering sustainable urban development and climate resilience in the Global South. It highlights the importance of the New Urban Agenda and the 2030 Agenda, arguing that traditional North-South cooperation is insufficient. Through various case studies from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the document demonstrates how cities share knowledge on green transportation, water management, and urban planning. Key examples include Shenzhen's carbon trading, India's water resilience efforts, and Mexico City's green bonds. The report concludes that while cities are critical to the 'climate battle,' they often face institutional and financial barriers that SSTC can help overcome through peer-to-peer learning and innovative financing.

The report analyzes the evolution of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) from its inception in 2000 through the 2006 Beijing summit. It argues that FOCAC provides a 'win-win' framework for South-South cooperation, contrasting China's pragmatic, non-interference approach with Western conditional aid. The document details China's economic model, its strategic need for African raw materials (particularly oil), and the specific financial commitments made to African infrastructure, health, and debt relief. It concludes that while China offers significant opportunities for growth, African nations must improve their own governance and strategic coordination to maximize these benefits.

The NAP Global Network's South–South Peer Exchange Awards support the exchange of technical expertise on national adaptation planning (NAP) between developing countries. The program provides funding for flights, accommodation, and logistics for experts to either host or attend peer exchanges lasting between one and five days. Eligibility is limited to registered NAP Global Network participants from developing countries who work for their government or a key national organization. Past exchanges have focused on topics such as integrating coastal issues into planning, climate change adaptation in national budgets, and developing communications strategies for the NAP process.

The NAP Global Network's South-South Peer Exchange Awards support the exchange of technical expertise on national adaptation planning between developing countries. The program provides funding for travel, accommodation, and logistics for experts to either host or attend exchanges, which can range from one to five days. Eligibility requires registration with the NAP Global Network, residency in a developing country, and a role in the NAP process within government or a key organization. Past exchanges have focused on coastal issues, national budgeting, communication strategies, and stakeholder engagement in countries including Senegal, Togo, Jamaica, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Peru, Saint Lucia, Grenada, and Albania.

The NAP Global Network provides South-South Peer Exchange Awards to support technical exchanges between adaptation planners from developing countries. These awards cover financial costs for flights, accommodation, and meals for experts to either host or attend exchanges lasting between one and five days. Eligible participants must be registered with the Network, originate from a developing country, and work on the NAP process within a government or key organization. Examples of past exchanges include collaborations between Senegal and Togo on coastal issues, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Jamaica on climate budgeting, Peru and Saint Lucia on communication strategies, and Grenada and Albania on NAP assembly planning.

In this address, Ebrahim Ebrahim discusses the evolving nature of global conflict, noting that climate change and resource scarcity are increasing tensions. He argues that Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development (PCRD) is often under-resourced and suggests that lasting peace requires sustained security, broad-based social participation, and home-grown solutions. He highlights South Africa's commitment to peace support through the African Union and SADC, and advocates for South-South cooperation via the G77 plus China to secure the financial resources and technology transfer necessary for effective PCRD.