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The proposal outlines a framework for EU State aid in the fishery and aquaculture sectors, aligning financial support with the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP), the European Green Deal, and the Paris Agreement. It establishes strict criteria for compatibility, including the 'do no harm' principle, the prohibition of capacity-enhancing subsidies, and the requirement for beneficiaries to comply with EU environmental law. The guidelines detail specific types of compatible aid, such as those for natural disasters, adverse climatic events, and animal disease control, while mandating transparency and ex post evaluations for large aid schemes.

A September 2021 survey of 898 registered U.S. voters shows broad support for international climate action. A majority of voters believe the U.S. should reduce greenhouse gas emissions regardless of other countries' actions (66%) and support the government's pledge to reduce carbon pollution by 50% by 2030 (73%). There is also significant support for pressuring other nations to reduce pollution (78%) and providing financial and technical aid to developing countries for both mitigation (66%) and adaptation (61%). While there is cross-partisan agreement that developing and other industrialized nations should do more to address global warming, support for U.S.-led action varies significantly by political ideology, with the lowest support found among conservative Republicans.

The document argues that traditional corporate climate leadership, focused on "net zero" and offsets, is insufficient. It proposes a "drawdown-aligned" framework where employees use their internal influence to transform business models, supply chains, and financial investments. Key recommendations include adopting "Emissions 360" accounting, divesting from fossil fuels, aligning political lobbying with the Paris Agreement, and prioritizing long-term planetary health over quarterly profits.

The report by ClientEarth, WWF Italy, and ECCO think tank opposes Enel's plan to convert the Federico II plant in Brindisi from coal to gas. It argues that the project is not needed for security of supply, risks creating stranded assets and overcapacity in Southern Italy, and causes adverse climate impacts through CO2 and methane emissions. The authors contend that the project contradicts EU and national decarbonisation goals and should be rejected by the Ministry for Ecological Transition.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, efforts, and needs. It outlines four primary goals: enhancing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, strengthening support for developing countries, providing inputs for the global stocktake, and enhancing learning. Countries have flexibility in submission, choosing to provide ADCOMs as standalone documents, in conjunction with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs. The guide emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven and should not create additional burdens for developing nations, suggesting that countries can synthesize existing information from their NAP processes to meet submission goals, particularly for the 2023 global stocktake.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four primary purposes: increasing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, mobilizing support for developing countries, providing data for the Global Stocktake, and enhancing learning. The text details flexible submission methods—as standalone documents, linked to other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs—and emphasizes that ADCOMs should not create additional burdens for developing nations. It also provides a detailed list of optional content elements and explains how countries can leverage their ongoing NAP processes to inform their ADCOMs.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are optional reports under the Paris Agreement used by countries to share climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four main objectives: increasing attention to adaptation, strengthening support for developing countries, contributing to the Global Stocktake, and improving knowledge of adaptation measures. Countries can submit ADCOMs as standalone documents, jointly with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs to minimize administrative burdens. The text emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven, flexible, and not intended for direct comparison between parties.

The September 2021 Global Update by the Climate Action Tracker (CAT) finds that global climate action continues to lag behind the requirements for limiting warming to 1.5°C. While some countries have updated their NDCs, the 2030 emissions gap remains significant, estimated at 20 to 23 GtCO2e. The report introduces a new rating system that integrates targets, policies, and climate finance, revealing that only The Gambia is overall 1.5°C Paris Agreement compatible. Most net zero targets are rated as poor or incomplete, and developed countries are failing to provide sufficient international climate finance or implement policies that align with their fair share of global mitigation efforts.

The Climate Action Tracker (CAT) 2021 rating methodology employs a dual-framework approach, combining 'fair share' principles and 'modelled domestic pathways' to assess government climate action. It evaluates targets (domestic and international), implemented policies, and climate finance to determine an overall rating. The system distinguishes between developed countries, which are expected to provide finance and meet stringent domestic targets, and developing countries, which may require international support to achieve full decarbonisation. The methodology specifically excludes land use, land-use change, and forestry (LULUCF) from main ratings but flags them when they significantly impact a country's emissions profile.

The document critiques TotalEnergies' plan to issue Sustainability-Linked Bonds (SLBs), asserting that the company's climate targets and overall corporate strategy are misaligned with the Paris Agreement. It highlights flaws in the company's KPIs, specifically regarding scope 1, 2, and 3 emissions, and points to a projected 50% growth in hydrocarbon production by 2030 as evidence of a strategy at odds with climate science. The briefing concludes that these bonds serve as a marketing tool to secure funding for oil and gas expansion rather than a genuine mechanism for energy transition.

The report explores the potential for a digital transition of the UNFCCC process, finding broad stakeholder support for moving technical and preparatory activities online, while highlighting significant concerns regarding power imbalances, the digital divide, and the loss of informal relationship-building essential for political consensus.

The document examines the political challenges hindering the coordination of climate finance, focusing on the relationship between the Climate Investment Funds (CIF) and the Green Climate Fund (GCF). It highlights how divergent governance structures, domestic bureaucratic politics in recipient countries, and fragmented development coordination frameworks create inefficiencies. Using examples from Kenya and Zambia, it illustrates the tension between different government ministries over who should lead climate finance coordination. The brief recommends that contributor governments provide more consistent guidance and that the UNFCCC Standing Committee on Finance helps clarify the organizational strengths and roles of various funds.

The report identifies critical transboundary climate risks in global agricultural trade, noting that a few major exporters like the US, Brazil, and China disproportionately transmit risk to dependent importers. It argues that traditional risk management, such as diversification, is insufficient against systemic climate shifts and calls for multilateral cooperation and system-level adaptation finance.

The report finds that current G20 commitments put the world on a trajectory for 2.4°C of warming by 2100. While announced but non-formalised pledges could lower this to 2.1°C, only an 'enhanced ambition' scenario—where all G20 members align 2030 targets with 1.5°C pathways and commit to mid-century net zero—could limit warming to 1.7°C. The authors argue that G20 countries, accounting for 75% of global emissions, are uniquely positioned to close three-quarters of the temperature gap, provided they accelerate near-term action and developed nations ramp up financial support to developing countries.

A coalition of businesses calls on G20 leaders to lead the global climate transition by halving emissions by 2030, ending coal financing, removing fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, and mandating climate-related financial disclosures to drive investment toward sustainable solutions.

The study finds that new coal generation is unnecessary for energy security, more expensive than renewable alternatives, and incompatible with the Paris Agreement. Modelling shows that forcing 1.5 GW of new coal into the power system increases total discounted costs by R23 billion in a reference scenario and R109 billion in a climate policy scenario, while reducing GDP and employment.

A coalition of businesses calls on G20 leaders to lead the global climate response by strengthening Nationally Determined Contributions, ending coal financing, aligning COVID-19 recovery funds with decarbonization, and implementing carbon pricing and mandatory financial disclosures.

The authors argue that the potential of climate change scenarios to inform policy strategies for limiting global warming is hindered by a lack of intermediary guidance services. To address this, they propose a 'climate change scenario service' framework designed to improve the salience, credibility, and legitimacy of these scenarios. The paper introduces the SENSES toolkit as a practical implementation of this concept, focusing primarily on mitigation scenarios while also providing materials for adaptation scenarios and impact projections.

Signatory companies call on G20 leaders to lead the global climate fight by aligning national contributions with a 50% emissions reduction by 2030, ending coal power financing, and reforming public finance to support a nature-positive economy.

ClientEarth has submitted a referral request to the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) alleging that Carnival plc and Carnival Corporation failed to disclose material climate-related financial risks in their 2020 reporting. The request argues that the companies' reports are vague or entirely silent on climate change, potentially misleading investors and violating Disclosure Guidance and Transparency Rules (DTRs) and the UK Market Abuse Regulation (UK MAR). ClientEarth specifically challenges Carnival's reliance on Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) as a decarbonisation strategy, noting that such claims are not substantiated in financial statements and ignore methane emissions and the UK Climate Change Committee's findings on biofuels. The referral seeks financial penalties, public censure, and corrective disclosures.