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The report contends that the COVID-19 pandemic exposed deep structural faults in South Africa's economy, including extreme inequality and a dependence on fossil fuels. It advocates for a 'Just Recovery' based on five principles: prioritizing health, providing direct economic relief, supporting workers over corporations, creating resilience for future crises, and building international solidarity. The authors propose a transition to 100% renewable energy by 2050, the implementation of a 'purple economy' to value care work, and a shift toward democratic public ownership to replace market-centric neoliberal policies.

A survey of 1,029 U.S. adults conducted in April 2020 reveals that while 75% of registered voters believe global warming is happening, views on its causes and the urgency of action vary significantly by political affiliation. Despite these divisions, there is broad cross-party support for renewable energy research, public land use for clean energy, and the Paris Climate Agreement. The report also finds that a candidate's position on global warming is a 'very important' voting factor for 43% of registered voters.

The paper contends that South Africa's current policy of austerity is economically destructive and proposes a R1 trillion fiscal stimulus over three years. It argues that the country has the fiscal space for expansion because its debt levels are comparable to emerging market peers and its productive capacity is underutilised. Using input-output modelling, the authors estimate an average fiscal multiplier of 1.68, suggesting that a stimulus of 10% of GDP (approximately R500 billion) could generate over R800 billion in economic expansion and nearly 3.5 million jobs. The proposed stimulus is guided by ten principles, including targeting high-multiplier sectors, reducing inequality, and ensuring environmental sustainability through a 'Green New Deal'. Financing is proposed through progressive taxation, rebuilding the capacity of the South African Revenue Service (SARS), leveraging Development Finance Institutions (DFIs), and reforming monetary policy.

The report finds that 75% of registered U.S. voters believe global warming is happening, with strong bipartisan support for renewable energy research and the Paris Climate Agreement. However, significant polarization remains regarding the causes of global warming and the Green New Deal, with Democrats viewing climate change as a much higher voting priority than Republicans.

South Korean state-owned financial institutions have invested US$5.6 billion in overseas coal-fired power plants since 2013, primarily in Vietnam and Indonesia. These investments face significant risks of becoming stranded assets as renewable energy costs drop and private lenders withdraw from coal. The document notes that new coal plants in Southeast Asia may operate for less than five years before becoming economically unviable. Additionally, the COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted construction schedules and reduced electricity demand. These trends conflict with the South Korean Democratic Party's Green New Deal, which calls for phasing out public coal funding. Specific high-risk projects include the Jawa 9 and 10 plants in Indonesia, for which US$232.5 million in funding is under consideration.

South Korean public finance institutions have invested $5.6 billion in overseas coal plants, primarily in Vietnam and Indonesia, creating a significant risk of stranded assets. This trend persists despite the Democratic Party's Green New Deal promising a phase-out of such financing and a global decline in private coal funding. The economic viability of coal is deteriorating as solar and wind power costs fall, with projections that renewables will be cheaper than existing coal in Southeast Asia by 2028. Additionally, the COVID-19 pandemic has depressed electricity demand and caused construction delays, further destabilizing these investments.

South Korean public financial institutions face up to $6 billion in stranded asset risks due to investments in overseas coal power plants, particularly in Indonesia and Vietnam. This trend contradicts the South Korean government's 'Green New Deal' policy to phase out public funding for coal. The economic viability of coal is declining as solar and wind power costs drop, and the COVID-19 pandemic has further disrupted construction schedules and reduced electricity demand. Specific high-risk projects include the Jawa 9 and 10 plants in Indonesia and the Bung Ang 2 plant in Vietnam. Meanwhile, private financial institutions and several Southeast Asian nations are increasingly transitioning away from coal toward renewables.

The document examines the uncertainty surrounding the hosting of COP26 in Glasgow due to COVID-19, noting that while the UK government initially aimed to proceed, the decision involves the UNFCCC. It highlights the impracticality of virtual summits and emphasizes that Paris Agreement obligations for 2020 NDC submissions remain. The author argues that post-pandemic economic recovery packages must avoid high-carbon industries and instead invest in low-carbon infrastructure to avoid repeating the missed opportunities of the 2008 financial crisis.

The Institute for Economic Justice argues that South Africa must implement bold, decisive economic stimulus measures focused on four objectives: supporting households and communities, protecting workers, sustaining businesses, and managing the economy for long-term transformation. The authors advocate for universal income transfers, emergency paid sick pay, conditional business relief, and a 'Green New Deal' to ensure a more equitable and sustainable recovery. They emphasize that financing these measures should avoid austerity-driven reprioritization and instead rely on solidarity taxation and increased borrowing.

The Finnish Greens have seen steady growth in support, contributing to a political environment where traditional parties no longer hold a majority. Finnish politics has shifted from an economic left-right divide toward a 'GAL-TAN' axis (Green, Alternative, and Libertarian versus Traditionalist, Authoritarian, and Nationalist), with the Greens advocating for climate action and the right-wing populist Finns Party opposing it. This polarisation makes forming coalition governments more difficult, requiring the inclusion of younger parties or broad-based cooperation. The author argues that the Greens must successfully implement large-scale Green New Deal policies to counter the rise of the populist right and prevent the adoption of 'watered-down solutions'.

A February 2020 survey of 1,934 registered voters across 26 U.S. primary states reveals strong support for government action on climate change and a preference for renewable energy over fossil fuels. A majority of respondents support the Green New Deal and specific policies such as a 100% national renewable portfolio standard by 2050. Climate change is a top-tier voting issue for Democrats in these states, and voters indicate they are more likely to support candidates who favor stronger pollution and fuel efficiency standards.

The document is a comprehensive collection of essays and interviews exploring the evolution of green politics. It analyzes the tension between 'green growth' and 'degrowth', the rise of Green parties in Europe, and the intersection of climate action with feminism, labor rights, and geopolitics. Key discussions include the critique of the European Green Deal as 'greenwashing', the impact of lignite mining in Germany, and the role of the 'Green New Deal' in the US as a tool for socio-economic transformation.

The document examines the evolution of political ecology, arguing for a shift from growth-based economic models to a 'social-ecological state' that prioritizes wellbeing and justice. It analyzes the electoral successes and challenges of Green parties across Europe—specifically in Germany, Finland, Sweden, Belgium, Ireland, Spain, and Poland—and discusses the 'Green New Deal' in the USA. Key themes include the intersection of climate action with feminism, labor rights, and geopolitics, while critiquing the 'green growth' and 'decoupling' narratives of the European Green Deal.

The Republic of Korea is the fourth-highest provider of public finance for fossil fuels among G20 countries, with an average annual government support of $12.4 billion between 2017 and 2019. While the government has committed to no new public finance for domestic coal projects and aims for carbon neutrality by 2050 under a Green New Deal platform, it has increased public finance for fossil fuels by 9% relative to 2014–2016 levels and provided $2.49 billion in emergency bailout loans to coal plant manufacturer Doosan Heavy Industries & Construction during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The document examines the potential for electric vehicles (EVs) to transform the economic trajectories of Southern African states, specifically within the SADC region. It highlights the risks of remaining reactive—such as becoming a 'dumping ground' for obsolete internal combustion engine technology—and proposes a 'Green New Deal' for the region. The authors advocate for the integration of Fourth Industrial Revolution technologies, such as blockchain for ethical mineral sourcing, the development of regional battery value chains, and the deployment of decentralized renewable energy grids to support e-mobility.

The statement contends that declarations of climate emergencies by global North governments are insufficient if they continue to fund fossil fuel infrastructure and rely on 'false solutions' like carbon markets and geoengineering. It advocates for a system change that treats energy as a human right and ensures a just transition to 100% renewable energy, emphasizing that rich nations must provide financial support to countries with less capacity to compensate for historical pollution and facilitate adaptation.

The report analyzes data from 2017 to 2019 to determine if younger Americans are more concerned and engaged with global warming than older generations. It finds that while Millennial Republicans are more likely to accept climate science and worry about global warming than older Republicans—reducing the political divide among youth—actual civic engagement, such as contacting government officials, remains similar across most generations. However, younger generations rank global warming higher as a priority for the 2020 Presidential election than older adults.

The author contends that the current global development model, which prioritizes infrastructure and economic growth, increases disaster risk and must be transformed. Citing the IPCC 1.5°C report and the Sendai Framework, the text emphasizes that sustainable development must address underlying causes such as poverty and inequality. It calls for the 2019 Global Platform for Disaster Risk Reduction to move beyond boardroom discussions and actively incorporate the knowledge of frontline communities and the energized public sector to create inclusive, resilient transformations.

Between December 2018 and April 2019, public awareness of the Green New Deal in the U.S. increased significantly, but support became sharply polarized along party lines. While Democratic support remained high, Republican support dropped dramatically, particularly among those with high awareness of the proposal and those who frequently consume Fox News.

The Green Economy Coalition responds to the UK Committee on Climate Change's (CCC) recommendation for the UK to reach net-zero emissions by 2050. While welcoming the target as a roadmap for other economies, the Coalition argues that net-zero by 2050 is a minimum starting point and may be too cautious regarding technology and societal change. The document emphasizes that decarbonization alone is insufficient, calling for a transition to a green economy that addresses biodiversity loss, ensures a just transition through deliberative democracy, and implements Green New Deal policies to prevent corporate monopolies over new green infrastructure.