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The report examines how international taxonomies and the national policies of the US, China, and Germany handle fossil fuels to inform the development of a Canadian taxonomy. It finds that while most taxonomies exclude new oil and coal capacity, fossil gas is often treated as a transitional fuel with strict emission limits and phase-out dates (typically 2030–2035). The document highlights the critical role of fugitive methane emissions in determining the actual climate impact of natural gas, arguing that lifecycle assessments are necessary to avoid 'carbon lock-in'. It concludes that Canada's main trading partners are using economic incentives and regulations to reduce hydrocarbon consumption, suggesting that a science-based taxonomy is essential for attracting private capital for decarbonization.

The global steel sector faces significant challenges in decarbonization, with emissions intensity growing by 0.5% annually since 2010. While hydrogen-based Direct Reduced Iron (H-DRI) and Electric Arc Furnaces (EAF) offer paths to near-zero emissions, their deployment is hindered by high costs, limited green hydrogen supply, and a shortage of high-grade iron ore. The report highlights a geographic divide: the EU and US are shifting toward low-emission tech supported by subsidies and carbon pricing, while high-growth regions like India continue to expand high-emission Blast Furnace-Basic Oxygen Furnace (BF-BOF) capacity. Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) is viewed as a necessary but expensive tool for abating existing capacity, though commercial-scale projects remain limited.

A survey of 58 European climate experts reveals skepticism about Europe's ability to meet its 2030 and 2050 climate goals, citing lagging investments and bureaucratic hurdles. While experts show varying confidence in technologies like CCS and hydrogen, there is a notable call for a more prominent role for nuclear energy and a shift toward 'technology optionality' and simplified, incentive-based policymaking.

The report concludes that while the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) remains the primary driver for industrial decarbonisation, current carbon prices alone are insufficient to trigger the massive investments required for deep decarbonisation in the steel and cement sectors. It argues that demand-side measures—specifically Green Public Procurement (GPP) and sustainable product regulations—can provide the necessary market signals to build technological capacity and avoid carbon lock-in. The study highlights that government-driven initiatives have significantly more potential than voluntary industry pledges, though the latter can serve as a short-term bridge. Key recommendations include harmonising low-carbon product definitions across EU Member States and exploring Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfDs) to bridge the 'green premium' cost gap.

The cement industry accounts for approximately 7% of global CO2 emissions and faces significant barriers to decarbonisation due to high capital intensity and the nature of process emissions. The report argues that achieving net-zero by 2050 requires a combination of technological shifts—such as carbon capture and storage (CCS), alternative binders, and fuel substitution—and robust policy support. Key policy recommendations include the implementation of carbon contracts for difference (CCfDs), green public procurement, and carbon border adjustment mechanisms (CBAMs) to prevent carbon leakage. Financial investment needs are estimated to reach USD 70 billion annually between 2030 and 2040, which the report suggests could be unlocked through the sustainable debt market and science-based certification standards.

The document argues that while harmonizing all border carbon adjustments (BCAs) is impossible due to diverse national carbon pricing methods, international cooperation is essential to manage the proliferation of these instruments. It highlights that a diversity of BCAs increases uncertainty and administrative burdens for traders in sectors like steel, aluminum, cement, and fertilizers, which are critical for the export revenues of many developing countries. The brief suggests that strategic international discussion is a necessary alternative to trade disputes within the World Trade Organization's dispute settlement system.

The submission argues that the draft SAREM over-relies on private investment and fails to sufficiently address the impact of the global supply chain crisis on renewable energy costs. It advocates for a state-led industrial policy, including the use of import tariffs and the central role of Eskom in renewable generation, to avoid 'boom-bust' cycles and ensure a just transition for workers. Key recommendations include establishing a 'decent work' framework, implementing aggressive local content requirements (suggesting 50% for future RFPs), and creating a technology transfer system to support local manufacturing.

The report examines the G7 Climate Club, an intergovernmental forum aimed at achieving global net-zero emissions by mid-century. While acknowledging its goals, the author argues that the Club's structure—particularly its focus on rapid decarbonisation and potential trade restrictions—could undermine African development. Key concerns include the economic reliance of African nations on hydrocarbon exports, the high cost of transitioning to low-carbon industrial processes, and the risk of trade protectionism through mechanisms like the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). The report highlights a history of unfulfilled G7 financial pledges to Africa and recommends a co-design approach that prioritises technology transfer, climate justice, and financial support over strict carbon accounting and trade sanctions.

The report examines the current state of mining taxation and proposes ten innovative policy ideas to increase government revenue. It highlights the shift toward critical minerals for the energy transition and the risks posed by automation and profit shifting. The proposed ideas include minimum profit sharing, production sharing contracts, state equity, state-owned enterprises, variable royalties, the 'Sixth Method' for transfer pricing, carbon pricing, development taxes for communities, competitive bidding for licenses, and remote monitoring for quarries. It also provides a framework for evaluating these reforms and discusses the legal challenges associated with fiscal stabilization clauses and international investment treaties.

The document argues that traditional mining tax regimes (corporate income tax and royalties) are often insufficient or vulnerable to profit shifting. It proposes ten alternatives, including variable royalties, production sharing contracts, and state equity participation, while addressing the impact of the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and the need for better production monitoring through remote sensing technology.

The guide examines the current state of mining taxation, highlighting challenges such as base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS), and proposes ten innovative policy ideas to improve revenue mobilization. These include minimum profit shares, production sharing contracts, variable royalties, and the 'Sixth Method' for transfer pricing. It also addresses the impact of the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and suggests the implementation of domestic carbon pricing and remote monitoring technologies for industrial minerals. The document emphasizes the need for transparent governance, professional board management for state-owned enterprises, and a balanced approach to fiscal stability clauses to ensure sustainable development.

The authors argue that the EU's current net-zero industry plans are insufficient and propose broadening the scope to include basic material production, introducing a charge on basic materials to raise approximately €50 billion annually for a sovereign wealth fund, and implementing a governance framework that links funding to national reform agendas.

The document outlines 12 key policy interventions to accelerate the transition of hard-to-abate sectors, categorised into simplifying pathways, steering risk and opportunity, derisking green investments, and facilitating essential resource flows.

Carbon Market Watch advocates for a legally binding EU target of over 90% gross emissions cuts by 2040 to achieve domestic net zero. The organization argues for 'turbo charging' the EU ETS by increasing linear reduction factors, phasing out free allowances by 2030 in favor of the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), and keeping carbon removals strictly separate from the ETS to avoid offsetting and ensure deep decarbonization. It also calls for the expansion of the ETS to full scope for aviation and shipping and the use of auctioning revenues for transparent climate projects.

The report asserts that the EU cannot reach net zero by 2050 without large-scale deployment of CCUS, estimating a need to capture and store between 300 and 640 Mt of CO2 annually by 2050. It highlights a significant gap between current project announcements and the necessary infrastructure, particularly in CO2 transport and geological storage. The authors recommend that the European Commission establish clear targets, a regulatory framework for CO2 grids, and financial mechanisms like Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfD) to de-risk investments. The document specifically identifies 'hard-to-abate' sectors—such as cement, steel, and waste-to-energy—as critical areas where CCUS is either the lowest-cost or only viable decarbonisation pathway. It also emphasizes the necessity of technology-based carbon dioxide removals (CDR) via BECCS and DACS to balance residual emissions.

The document highlights the potential negative economic consequences of the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) on Africa, particularly for least developed countries (LDCs). It warns of significant GDP and export losses, administrative barriers to market access, and a lack of concrete EU financial commitments to help African manufacturing industries decarbonize.

The author contends that the steel industry's exemption from the EU ETS benchmark reform, secured through lobbying—particularly by Germany—shields polluting installations from necessary price signals. While the sector faces high costs for transitioning to Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) technology, the document argues that free allowances do not bridge the investment gap and instead reduce the pressure to modernise. The author suggests that the ETS should make polluting more expensive to incentivise the shift to low-carbon steel, rather than serving as a protectionist tool.

The document outlines the necessity of a radical reduction in industrial emissions to meet the EU's 2050 climate neutrality goal, arguing that current production-based models must shift toward needs-based models that respect biophysical boundaries. It identifies critical gaps in the European Green Deal's progress on decoupling economic growth from resource use and proposes three primary levers for transition: mobilizing finance through regulatory environments, creating incentives for new business models, and utilizing targeted interventions for demonstration projects.

The document argues that U.S. manufacturing is responsible for a quarter to a third of national greenhouse gas emissions and proposes a suite of policy interventions to transition to clean industry. Key recommendations include trade mechanisms like carbon border adjustments, green public procurement, direct financial support for early-stage technologies, and the implementation of emissions and energy efficiency standards. It emphasizes the need for a combination of R&D support, subsidies for clean production, and improved lending mechanisms to ensure U.S. industry remains competitive against international producers while achieving decarbonization.

The document argues that the Upstream Petroleum Resources Development Bill (B13 - 2021) is fatally flawed because it seeks to "accelerate exploration and production" of oil and gas, which contradicts South Africa's climate commitments and the global goal of net zero by 2050. The authors highlight significant administrative shortcomings, specifically the lack of a clear definition for "interested and affected party" (IAP) and inadequate consultation requirements for most application types. Furthermore, the Bill is described as being in conflict with the One Environmental System (OES) by attempting to legislate on environmental matters that fall under the exclusive purview of the Minister for Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment. The submission also calls for the incorporation of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) and a robust Social and Labour Plan (SLP) framework to protect vulnerable communities from the health and economic risks associated with petroleum extraction.