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The paper examines the rise of 'mega-regional' trade agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which aim for deep regulatory integration beyond WTO standards. It argues that while overall GDP impacts on outsiders may be small, these agreements risk eroding trade preferences and establishing new global regulatory norms that could marginalise developing countries. For South Africa, the authors recommend a strategy of unilateral regulatory reform, deeper regional integration within SADC and COMESA, and constructive engagement in the WTO to avoid being left behind by 'competitive liberalisation'.

The document analyzes Côte d’Ivoire's efforts to relaunch its regional diplomacy under President Alassane Ouattara following two decades of instability. It highlights the country's economic strength as a primary asset and its goal to become an emerging economy by 2020. Key challenges include the need for security sector reform, national reconciliation, and the professionalization of its diplomatic corps to better align with the integration goals of ECOWAS and UEMOA.

The document assesses South Africa's strategic position in global development, arguing that the country can strengthen its peacebuilding and PCRD efforts in Africa by leveraging the IBSA Fund and the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB). It highlights the role of the newly established SADPA in coordinating these efforts while cautioning that South Africa must align its PCRD vision with the African Union and manage domestic perceptions of its outgoing aid.

The paper examines the shift in global trade governance from the WTO toward 'mega-regional' agreements like the TPP and TTIP, which establish new norms on issues such as the environment and labour. It warns that South Africa risks investment deflection and isolation if it continues a blocking strategy in the WTO while other BRICS nations, particularly China, consider engaging with these new frameworks. The author recommends that South Africa use regional initiatives like the Tripartite Free Trade Area to experiment with new regulatory agendas and proactively propose plurilateral initiatives within the WTO.

The document examines how the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) challenge the BRICS nations, who have historically prioritised global financial reform and the WTO Doha Round over a collective trade strategy. It highlights a shift toward 'plurilateralism' and regionalism, noting that BRICS members are pursuing diverse regional paths, such as China's involvement in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and South Africa's focus on the COMESA-SADC-EAC tripartite FTA. For South Africa, the author identifies a critical dilemma in managing the contradictions between the EU's Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) and the US African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), recommending that South Africa leverage the TTIP negotiations to harmonise these two frameworks.

The policy brief examines South Africa's energy transition and its strategic partnerships, particularly with the EU. It highlights the shift toward renewable energy sources (RES) and the role of the National Energy Act of 2008 in promoting energy efficiency. While the EU is a key partner through frameworks like the Africa–EU Energy Partnership (AEEP), South Africa also diversifies its engagement via BRICS and IBSA. The document emphasizes South Africa's position as a regional energy hub through the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) and argues for a trilateral approach to energy cooperation involving the EU, South Africa, and the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

The report examines 'The Science of Second Artillery Operations', a classified 2003 textbook from the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA), to challenge U.S. assumptions about China's military space intent. The author argues that the absence of anti-satellite (ASAT) attack planning in this authoritative text suggests that China was not pursuing an 'asymmetric' strategy to cripple U.S. satellites as of 2003. Instead, the document indicates that China views space capabilities as essential support for its missile forces and focuses on 'camouflage, concealment, and deception' to avoid U.S. satellite detection. The report further contends that the 2007 Chinese ASAT test was likely a technological experiment modeled on U.S. and Soviet precedents rather than a strategic shift toward preemptive space warfare.

The report examines the five-year campaign by the Save Mapungubwe Coalition to protect the Mapungubwe World Heritage Site from the Vele Colliery project operated by Coal of Africa (CoAL). It analyzes three primary engagement strategies: strategic litigation to challenge mining licenses, bilateral negotiations to establish best-practice environmental standards, and multilateral participation in the Vele Colliery Environmental Management Committee (EMC). The document concludes that while litigation and negotiations have limitations, they provide essential leverage, and that inclusive multi-stakeholder governance via EMCs can effectively monitor corporate compliance. It also highlights the correlation between CoAL's non-compliance with environmental laws and the decline of its JSE share price.

The paper argues that while South Africa possesses comparative advantages in access and shared experience, its previous aid efforts—managed via the African Renaissance Fund (ARF)—were often ad hoc and lacked strategic coordination. It recommends that SADPA move beyond high-level diplomatic agreements to engage with national aid architectures and employ political-economy analysis to ensure local ownership of projects.

The paper examines how the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) are being used by the US to counter China's growing influence and how China may use these frameworks to drive its own domestic reforms. It argues that South Africa's current inward-looking trade policy and lack of a strategy for East Asia leave it vulnerable to losing international competitiveness and the devaluation of its trade preferences as the global trading system evolves.

The policy brief contends that offensive military intervention is frequently required to stop conflicts before peacekeeping can begin, noting that international bodies often fail to act promptly. It analyzes the increasing capabilities of opposing forces in Africa—including better training, equipment, and leadership—and the logistical challenges posed by vast strategic and operational distances. The author argues that South Africa, as a regional economic power, should develop an autonomous intervention capability within the SANDF, including enhanced special forces, airlift, and reconnaissance, potentially requiring a defense budget of approximately 2% of GDP, while still cooperating with SADC and the African Union.

The report analyzes President Barack Obama's 2013 visit to Africa, framing it as an effort to shift US-Africa relations from a focus on security and counter-terrorism toward economic growth, trade, and democratic investment. It highlights the competitive pressure from China's dominant trade position and the US's efforts to address energy poverty and youth unemployment through initiatives like YALI and renewable energy financing.

South Africa has based its BRICS membership on national interest, regional integration, and infrastructure development, viewing the latter two as essential for the continent's growth and its own economic fortunes. While critics argue South Africa represents its own national interests rather than the continent's, the document suggests South Africa can provide a platform to reframe Africa's trade relations with emerging economies away from commodity exports. The text notes that BRICS-Africa trade has grown tenfold since 2002 to approximately US$340bn, and emphasizes that South Africa's leadership must be complemented by bilateral engagement with other regional anchors like Nigeria to be successful.

The policy brief examines South Africa's role as a 'gateway to Africa' within the BRICS group, arguing that the country must move from rhetoric to a concrete commercial diplomacy strategy to secure tangible economic gains. It highlights the growth of BRICS-Africa trade and investment, while noting that engagement remains largely bilateral and continues a pattern of Africa exporting raw materials and importing manufactured goods. The author recommends that South Africa prioritize bilateral relations with key African states and utilize development finance institutions to support regional integration and infrastructure.

The paper assesses the continuity of French Africa policy under President François Hollande and identifies opportunities for South Africa to partner with France. It suggests that while the two nations may differ on specific conflicts, their shared interests in democratic governance and security, combined with France's permanent seat on the UN Security Council and South Africa's influence in the African Union, create a strategic basis for collaboration.

The author contends that while South Africa does not meet the original economic criteria for BRICS, it possesses significant political influence in global forums. The paper suggests that BRICS members should focus on mutual learning regarding economic development, facilitating trade by removing non-tariff barriers, and ensuring any proposed BRICS development bank complements existing institutions. It advises South African policymakers to prioritize pragmatism over ideology, maintaining strong bilateral ties with BRICS members and acting as a political gateway to the African continent.

The document analyzes the EU-South Africa Strategic Partnership against a backdrop of the euro-zone crisis and the rise of BRICS. While the EU remains South Africa's primary trading partner and a key donor, the relationship is strained by perceptions of EU imperialism, disputes over Economic Partnerships Agreements (EPAs), and disagreements on the reform of Bretton Woods institutions. Despite these frictions, the author argues that shared values of multilateralism and constitutionalism make the partnership essential for both parties to navigate a changing global order.

The document analyzes the Indian Ocean as a critical global trade and energy highway, detailing the shift from colonial hegemony to a complex environment involving new regional powers like India and China. It identifies key security threats including piracy, illegal fishing, smuggling, and asymmetrical attacks by non-state actors, while evaluating the role of international naval coalitions and regional cooperation frameworks in maintaining maritime order.

The document examines the strategic opportunity for South Africa to leverage Mozambique's massive gas discoveries in the Rovuma Basin to diversify its energy mix and reduce its reliance on coal. It highlights the need for political and financial commitment, including the construction of an LNG terminal and the formation of strategic partnerships, to ensure South Africa does not miss the window of opportunity as Mozambique prepares for gas production by 2018.

The report details a conference on Sino-African Union cooperation in peace and security, exploring the intersection of China's economic engagement and Africa's security architecture. Key discussions focus on the 'African solutions to African problems' principle, the role of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and IGAD, and specific conflict zones such as the two Sudans and Somalia. While acknowledging China's role in infrastructure and condition-free aid, the report highlights concerns regarding environmental degradation, the influx of cheap goods, and the impact of arms supplies. It recommends a shift from ad-hoc crisis reaction to a proactive role for China, emphasizing capacity building for the AU's African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS).